scholarly journals Hierarchy salience and social action: disentangling class, status, and authority in world politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten-Andreas Schulz

Hierarchy is a persistent feature of international politics. Existing accounts recognize that there are many ways in which actors can stand in relation to one another. Yet they struggle to make sense of this complexity. This study considers Max Weber’s contribution to understanding international hierarchy. It discusses three ideal types of stratification based on the distribution of capabilities (class), estimations of honor and prestige (status), and command relationships (authority). Following the neo-Weberian approach, these dimensions matter because they make social action intelligible. Furthermore, Weber clarifies how class and status are connected and how these two dimensions relate to authority through the process of ‘social closure’. The study concludes that scholars who focus exclusively on authority structures miss the fact that authority typically derives from other forms of stratification: although based on different logics of social stratification, class and status hierarchies often coalesce into (legitimate) authority.

Author(s):  
A Subotin

Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Muzaffar ◽  
Zahid Yaseen ◽  
Nazim Rahim

World is transforming again from unipolar to multipolar. Many regional powers are emerging on the canvas of international politics. Complex interdependence has taken its place and due to this phenomenon old rivals are now making alliances and friendships. Not even a single state can afford to exist in isolation. Keeping this entire scenario in view this study analyses the future of world politics at extent of political interaction and the next power structure of 21st century. In Past, the order of polarity shifted from bipolar to Unipolar as considered the transition of power in international world. The increasing trends of multipolarity have been allied with these three factors: The end of US hegemony, the peaceful rise of China and other emerging states in different regions, and the shifting nature of power structure from Unipolarity to Multipolarity. This study is qualitative and analytical predictive which is employed to develop and substantiate arguments. The spectacles of modern-day noticed that the peaceful raise of China as foremost new power effect the configuration of international politics. Last decades showed the most rapid economic rate of China. Revivalism of Russia and rise of other states including China will soon overtake the US hegemony. The theoretical framework provides the basic assumptions of this transition of Unipolarity to Multipolarity due to emerging trends of international relations.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-446
Author(s):  
Kurt P. Tauber

The formation of attitudes and expectations in international politics—if they are to be adequate bases for action—must rest upon, among other things, a correct appraisal of the motives of the leaders of other countries and of the means by which they achieve their objectives. In a recent article in World Politics entitled “Science and Politics in the U.S.S.R.: The Genetics Debate,” Miss Pamela N. Wrinch discusses the possible ideological motives (as well as, speculatively, some of the psychological ones) which give impetus to the eradication of disapproved scientific theories and procedures, and the argumentative means employed in this stamping-out process. Though the article is fully convincing in presenting a clear picture of Soviet debating techniques, Miss Wrinch is less successful on the score of assessing the motives for the official opposition to certain theories in Soviet Russia.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuen Foong Khong

The systematic critique of scientific approaches to international politics began with Stanley Hoffmann's provocative 1960 essay, climaxed with Hedley Bull's popular piece in World Politics six years later and breathed its last gasp with Oran Young's attack on Russett's International Regions and The International System in 1969, Since then, the traditionalists have chosen to ignore the behavioralists.


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