The Inflammable Alcohol Issue: Alcohol Policy Argumentation in the Programs of Political Parties in Finland, Norway and Sweden from the 1960s to the 1990s

2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anu-Hanna Anttila ◽  
Pekka Sulkunen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Alcohol Policy ◽  
Alcohol Issue ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Policy Argumentation

Issue Ownership by Canadian Political Parties 1953-2001

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric Bélanger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Issue Ownership ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
Finance Management ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Party Competence

Issue ownership refers to political parties' recognized capacity or reputation to deal competently with a number of issues and problems. Canadian perceptions of party competence in five issue areas are examined: unemployment, inflation, national unity, public finance management and international affairs. Using aggregate-level Gallup poll data from a 50-year period, the study shows not only that Canadians distinguish between federal parties based on their issue-handling capabilities, but also that party images are not impervious to change. Two particular moments of realignment in party images are identified: the beginning of the 1960s, and the early 1990s. The image of the federal Liberal party clearly benefited from both periods. Beyond the expected projection effect of party popularity, two factors are shown to account at least partially for these variations over time in issue ownership. The parties' performance while in office and the arrival of new competitors within the party system in the 1993 election are both found to significantly affect perceptions of party competence in Canada.

scholarly journals Civilized Drinking: Alcohol and Society in New Brunswick, 1945-1975

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Marquis
Keyword(s):  
New Brunswick ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Alcohol Policy ◽  
Treatment Programs ◽  
Temperance Movement ◽  
Terrain Following ◽  
Drinking Age ◽  
Consumption Rates ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract Alcohol policy in New Brunswick was contested terrain. Following the political defeat of prohibition, the province introduced government liquor stores in 1927, but refused for more than three decades to license public establishments, although Legions and private clubs enjoyed a quasi-legal status. By the end of the Second World War, the province had one of the lowest liquor consumption rates in Canada, a small but vocal temperance movement, and a fairly dry hospitality sector. During the 1960s and 1970s, access to alcohol was liberalized with the licensing of taverns and dining rooms, the decriminalization of public drunkenness, and the lowering of the drinking age to 19. Meanwhile, the public health, social service, legal and voluntary sectors lobbied for prevention and treatment programs based on the disease concept of alcoholism, rather than the moralistic arguments of the older temperance movement. By 1975, it was clear that New Brunswick's alcohol control policies mirrored the wider Canadian experience as residents were treated to competing discourses: drinking was a modern, reasonable, and fashionable recreation but alcohol was society's most widespread and costly addictions problem.

Socialist Pluralism and Pluralist Socialism

1977 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. M. Barnard ◽  
R. A. Vernon
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
English School ◽  
Societal Values ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The 1960S

The English school of ‘socialist pluralists' of the early twentieth century pictured socialism as an order in which maximum autonomy of social and economic functions coexisted with a minimum of political functions. The ‘pluralist socialists' among the Czech reformers of the 1960s, by contrast, insisted that such autonomy can be realised and sustained only in conjunction with effective political modalities. The pluralization of socialist regimes entailed for them, therefore, not ‘the withering away of the state’ but its invigoration as a space for contesting general ends. Such contestation was envisaged principally in terms of competition between political parties which could give expression to ideological differentiation even within the confines of socialist belief, the implication being that agreement on fundamental societal values does not pre-empt diversity over political ends.

scholarly journals National ideals or national interest: New Zealand and South Africa, 1981-1994

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
South African ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>

scholarly journals Late-night noise hazards and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government's countermeasures in the 1960s

Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Junichi Hasegawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Small Businesses ◽  
Pollution Prevention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Residential Areas ◽  
Tokyo Metropolitan ◽  
Metropolitan Government ◽  
Late Night ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract In 1960s Tokyo, late-night noise became a source of annoyance for urban-dwellers in residential areas. The problem was primarily due to young people who congregated around small food establishments eating and drinking. The situation led to the Tokyo Metropolitan Government to attempt to remove such small businesses through the 1969 Environmental Pollution Prevention Ordinance. However, the section of the ordinance dealing with late-night noise hazards was diluted by the political parties, who supported the interests of such businesses, hence failing to satisfy local residents who were victims of the problem.

It's the Christian Democrats' Fault: Declining Political Identification in Chile, 1957–2012

2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 815-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricio Navia ◽  
Rodrigo Osorio
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Older People ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractFor different reasons, identification with political parties has been on the decline everywhere. Using polling data, we show that political identification in Chile increased in times of polarization before 1973 and in the transition to democracy in 1990 and fell under democratic consolidation. The decline comes primarily from falling identification with the largest party, the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Assessing the determinants of party identification, we report that while in the 1960s the PDC had a wide appeal as it attracted voters identified with the left, centre and right, in recent years the PDC attracts support from centrists and older people.

Coalition Predictions with Ordinal Policy Position Data

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Van Roozendaal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Position Data ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Ordinal Level ◽  
Over Time

The policy-oriented coalition models that were developed in the 1960s and 1970s generally required that the positions of political parties were measured at ordinal level. More recent models of coalition formation, however, have tended to assume that interval-level data on parties' policy positions are available. This need for interval-level data has raised serious practical problems for empirical research. Analysts frequently wish to examine patterns of coalition formation after several, or many, elections. Unfortunately, detailed interval-level data on parties' positions are generally available at only one or two points in time. While it can often be plausibly argued that parties will occupy fairly stable ordinal positions over time, it is extremely doubtful whether this is also the case for their interval positions.

scholarly journals National ideals or national interest: New Zealand and South Africa, 1981-1994

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
South African ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>

scholarly journals The Politics of LGBTQ Rights Expansion in Latin America and the Caribbean

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
Movement Strategies ◽  
Lgbtq Rights ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Future Direction

The first section of this Element reviews the history of LGBTQ rights in the region since the 1960s. The second section reviews explanations for the expansion of rights and setbacks, especially since the mid 2000s. Explanations are organized according to three themes: (1) the (re-)emergence of a religious cleavage; (2) the role of political institutions such as presidential leadership, political parties, federalism, courts, and transnational forces; and (3) the role of social movement strategies, and especially, unity. The last section compares the progress on LGBTQ rights (significant) with reproductive rights (insignificant). This Element concludes with an overview of the causes and possible future direction of the current backlash against LGBTQ rights.

Constrained Politics: Labour Market Actors, Political Parties and Swedish Labour Immigration Policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frida Boräng ◽  
Lucie Cerna
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Union Power ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Labour Immigration ◽  
Elite Interviews ◽  
The 1960S

Sweden used to be one of the most restrictive countries in the Organisation of Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) in terms of labour immigration policy. This was drastically changed in 2008 when a very liberal immigration law was passed. Why did one of the most restrictive labour immigration countries suddenly become one of the most liberal ones? The article argues that it is necessary to consider labour market institutions and their consequences for labour migration. These factors will influence the preferences, strategies and chances of success for various policy actors. A decline in union power and corporatism in Sweden had important consequences for its labour immigration. Following this decline, employers and centre-right parties became more active and adopted more liberal policy positions than previously. The article analyses policy developments since the 1960s and draws on official documents, position statements, party manifestos, media coverage and original elite interviews.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document