scholarly journals National ideals or national interest: New Zealand and South Africa, 1981-1994

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>


Author(s):  
Ndukuyakhe Ndlovu

The roots of contract archeology were laid even before the development of a legislative framework that prescribed the processes to be followed. Contract archeology was being seen by the museums and universities as the best avenue to the subsidizing of archeological research. The increased research funding of the 1960s and 1970s was on the decline in the 1980s. Universities, therefore, were at a disadvantage and needed to explore other avenues of funding. Legislative changes over the years, which made it mandatory for developers to fund impact assessments to mitigate potential damage of valuable heritage resources from their proposed activities, have led to a significant proliferation of private archeological companies. These have been established to provide developers with the expertise they need to satisfy these legal requirements. The approach used in South Africa is that the developer must pay to assess the nature of the likely impact of their proposed activity. Government entities are then tasked with the responsibility of reviewing studies undertaken by specialists subcontracted by developers. The subdiscipline of archeology has grown significantly in South Africa, specifically enabled by legislative changes over the years requiring that predevelopment assessments of heritage sites be undertaken prior to approvals being made. However, archeology has continued to be defined as racially unrepresentative of the South African demography. In addition, the management of heritage resources through the use of contract archeology has been characterized by a variety of administrative challenges.


Author(s):  
Jessica Stephenson

Born in 1934 in Bedford, Eastern Cape, South Africa, William (Bill) Stewart Ainslie was a painter and educator, and the founder of a number of visual art programs and workshops that countered discriminatory racial and educational policies in apartheid-era South Africa. These programs encouraged students to work in abstract and other modernist idioms not practiced in the country at the time. Until his untimely death at age 55, Ainslie melded his career as an artist with his vision of art as a means to combat apartheid. In the 1960s and 1970s, Ainslie fostered the only multiracial art programs in the country, culminating in a formal art school, the non-profit Johannesburg Art Foundation (1982). He helped found the Federated Union of Black Artists (FUBA) and the art schools Fuba Academy (1978), Funda Center (1983) (funda means "learn" in Xhosa), and the Alexandra Arts Centre (1986). The generation of modern African artists and educators trained at these institutions shaped the course of art after apartheid. Ainslie also organized short-term workshops, most notably the Thupelo Art Workshop (thupelo means "to teach by example" in Southern Sotho) in 1983. Thupelo linked local and international artists and focused on abstraction, a radical departure from the social realist style expected of politically engaged South African art of the 1980s.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-77
Author(s):  
Howard Chitimira

In Australia, the market abuse prohibition is generally well accepted by the investing and non-investing public as well as by the government. This co-operative and co-ordinated approach on the part of all the relevant stakeholders has to date given rise to an increased awareness and commendable combating of market abuse activities in the Australian corporations, companies and securities markets. It is against this background that this article seeks to explore the general enforcement approaches that are employed to combat market abuse (insider trading and market manipulation) activity in Australia. In relation to this, the role of selected enforcement authorities and possible enforcement methods which may be learnt from the Australian experience will be isolated where necessary for consideration in the South African market abuse regulatory framework.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-47
Author(s):  
Cybèle Locke

In 1960, the Northern Drivers’ Union of New Zealand instituted its anti-racism policy. How this came about, and what it meant for union struggles in the following two decades, are the central concerns of this article. Effectively, the implementation of democratic organising principles within the Northern Drivers’ Union assisted the formation of anti-racism policy and practice. Union officials linked domestic racism with the experiences of black workers under apartheid in South Africa from 1960, which generated calls for a boycott of South Africa and local support for the Citizens’ Association for Racial Equality. Anti-apartheid sentiment in relation to South African rugby tours, which had galvanised unionists in the 1960s, became a source of division by the 1970s as attention turned to more “local” experiences of racism. In particular, this article considers how Māori rank and file, working together with Pākehā union officials such as communist Bill Andersen, extended trade union anti-racism work across the northern regions of the country, especially Auckland.


2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Potterton ◽  
H. Van Aswegen

Paediatric HIV is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in South African children. Physiotherapists working in the government sector are seeing large numbers of HIV infected children on a daily basis. This paper provides a general overview of paediatric HIV. Common conditions associated with HIV infection are highlighted and the possible role of physiotherapy is discussed. Suggestions for research on the role of physiotherapy in the management of children with HIV are made.


Author(s):  
Mareli Dippenaar

Background: South Africa is faced with a significant challenge of securing the supply of electricity as well as reducing its greenhouse gas emissions. The implementation of energy efficiency (EE) and renewable energy (RE) measures by energy consumers, especially businesses, is becoming increasingly important and a number of tax incentives have been introduced to promote EE and RE. Objective: The objective of this preliminary study was to determine the role that the available tax incentives play in the decision making of South African businesses regarding investment in RE or EE projects. Aim: To determine this role, the largest South African businesses were selected from the Johannesburg Stock Exchange Top 40 Index. Method: The study contained both empirical and non-empirical elements. A literature review was conducted to determine the role of tax incentives globally, while questionnaires were distributed to determine the role in South Africa. Results: Findings highlighted that, while tax incentives do play a role in decision making, various other non-tax factors drive South African businesses’ decisions to invest in EE and/or RE projects. These businesses do not perceive the available tax incentives as effective, nor do they regard them as sufficiently motivating for businesses to change their environmental behaviour. They also feel that the government should reduce the burden of complying with the requirements of Section 12L (the EE allowance). Conclusion: Improving the available RE and EE tax incentives in South Africa might result in more businesses considering the implementation of RE or EE projects. It is therefore recommended that the available tax incentives are expanded and/or the qualifying criteria simplified.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Chris Bolsmann

The struggle against apartheid was fought on many fronts. Internationally, the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) across a number of countries engaged in a range of activities that highlighted the atrocities of the Pretoria regime and the plight of the majority in South Africa. An important site of struggle against apartheid was in the sports sphere. Ireland and the Irish AAM played a significant role in this regard. The AAMs in Australia, Britain, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United States, among others, recorded victories against apartheid through demonstrations, boycotts, and the ban on participation of South African teams in international tours, tournaments, and events. A number of scholars have highlighted the role of the international AAM and its campaigns against apartheid sport. To date, historical studies of the anti-apartheid struggle and South African sport have primarily focused on Britain and New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Irish sporting contacts with South Africa extend back over a century. Thus, focusing on the case study of Irish AAM activism against segregated sport further adds to the literature on the sports boycott and the struggle against apartheid. This article draws on Jacob Dlamini’s notion of “moral agents” in understanding players’, teams’, and sports associations’ decisions to continue to play with apartheid, despite international opposition. Drawing from archives in Ireland and South Africa, this article adds new details to the struggle against apartheid rugby in South African sport between 1964 and 1989.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulus Hlongwane

The purpose of this article is to assess the role played by the South African anti-corruption institutions in addressing corruption in government departments. The negative impact of corruption on the effectiveness and efficiency of the service delivery by government departments necessitates an examination of the role of the anti-corruption institutions. For the purposes of this article, a review of scholarly published articles, newspaper articles, case law and annual reports of the anti-corruption institutions in South Africa was undertaken. With regard to the anti-corruption institutions, it is has not yet been established whether they are operating free of political interference in South Africa. This article contends that the anti-corruption institutions should be sufficiently resourced and funded by the government to enable them to deal effectively with the corrupt activities that pervade government departments. Moreover, the anti-corruption institutions should be able to perform their functions without any political interference that could possibly influence their proper functioning negatively.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Centeno ◽  
Sylvia Maxfield

Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large extent, this recent literature on technocrats in Latin America fails to address one of the main issues debated in the earlier literature: the political consequences of increasingly technocratic government. A second problem with recent work is that, when it does address causal issues, it tends to follow the functionalist logic of earlier literature. Using data on Mexican political elites, this article develops a new typology which carefully differentiates the new technobureaucratic elite from other elite groups. The aim is to shed new light on the debate over the implications of increasing technocratisation. Secondly, this study of the rise of a new elite emphasises the role of institutional changes within the government bureaucracy in addition to the state's functional response to changes in its politico—economic environment. This article begins with a brief discussion of earlier general — and Mexico—specific — literature on technocrats.Some analysts of technocracy in the 1960s and 1970s saw technocrats as apolitical specialists whose growing role in society heralded ‘an end to ideology’ and increased efficiency in government.4


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