Resistance at the Borders of Power: Reflections on the Zapatista and Palestinian Experiences

2020 ◽  
pp. 016059762095195
Author(s):  
Richard Stahler-Sholk

Palestinians and Zapatistas exist in the liminal space at the margins of an oppressive state power, which they resist through their very existence as self-defined peoples. Their everyday resistance practices, reflecting prefigurative politics, forge collective identity and social subjectivity through what the Zapatistas call “dignified rage” and Palestinians call sumud (steadfastness). In the tradition of active nonviolence, both movements creatively employ art, ironic humor, and joy in processes of resistance that strengthen the community. Both movements resist the coloniality of power through initiatives that reinforce self-sufficiency while practicing solidarity to offset the hegemonic power that attempts to divide and isolate them and strip them of their identity. Through the exercise of autonomy, de facto rather than negotiated, they refuse to recognize illegitimate authority. Their autonomous actions counterpose what Hardt and Negri call constituent power, built from below, to the state’s offer of a quota of constituted institutional power imposed from above and confined within imposed territorial borders.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Andrew McGregor

This article examines the representation of postcolonial memory in Tony Gatlif’s 2004 film Exils / Exiles. The constant movement that occurs in the film through travel, music, and dance reinforces the permanent dislocation of the film’s pied-noir and beurette protagonists. The film’s road-movie narrative represents, on the one hand, a gravitational pull away from the French Republican integrationist ‘centre’ towards an increasingly complex and diverse landscape of cultural identities linked by France’s colonial history, and on the other, a sense of nostalgia for an Algeria that no longer exists and may never have existed. In so doing, Exils represents modern metropolitan France as a dynamic and polycentric postcolonial space whose lieux de mémoire can and should be positioned not only in geographical and cultural territories that lie outside its contemporary national borders, but also in the liminal spaces that characterize the migrant experience. In line with the title of Gatlif’s film, the protagonists find themselves in a state of permanent exile, both from Algeria and from France. The ‘destination’ of the return to cultural origin, Algeria, emerges as a fundamental but nevertheless mirage-like lieu de mémoire that, notwithstanding its cultural and geographical significance, serves primarily to facilitate a deeper understanding by the protagonists of their personal and collective identity that has long been internalized in the unanchored liminal space of the postcolonial migrant journey.


2012 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-336
Author(s):  
David J. Drysdale

This essay reads Herman Melville’s final novel Billy Budd (written 1886–1891) in light of recent scholarly interventions into "oceanic studies." Melville’s parable of authority and resistance reveals how oceanic forms of power are contained and appropriated by national discourse. Focusing especially on the vexed relationship between the eponymous "Handsome Sailor" and Captain Vere, the essay claims that Billy Budd depicts the conflict between the transformative potential of what Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker term "hydrarchy" and the "formed, measured forms" favored by Vere and the nation-state he represents. In narrating Billy Budd’s incorporation into the machinery of state power on board the Bellipotent, Melville’s novella reveals the complicity between official accounts of history and the counterinsurgent project of colonial power. Even as Melville depicts this process of historical fashioning, however, he also points to ways in which such a logic might be resisted by a canny reader who looks to the "ragged edges" of narrative.


1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Kuumba ◽  
Femi Ajanaku

Growing dreadlocks, a hair practice usually associated with the Rastafarian movement, has become increasingly popular among people of African descent globally. In concert with other "makers," dreadlocks became symbolic accompaniment to oppositional collective identities associated with the African liberation/Black Power movements. Its spread among African liberationists, womanists, radical artists of African descent reflects counterhegemonic politics. From a combined new social movement and African cultural studies perspective, this research traces the sociopolitical and historical phases of "locking." On the microsociological level, the role that dreadlocks are perceived as playing along three main dimensions of collective identity formation: boundary demarcation, consciousness and negotiation, are explored. The study combines data from fifty-two dreadlocked persons' responses in surveys, interviews, and a focus group with historical documents and sources. Dreadlocks, as contemporary hair aesthetics, can be considered an example of culturally contextualized everyday resistance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-256
Author(s):  
Lucy Ann Neave

This article offers a consideration of the figure of the feral child in Australian writer Eva Hornung’s Dog Boy (2009), a novel based on stories circulating in the media about children raised by dogs in post-perestroika Russia. The book was praised for its exploration of the liminal space occupied by its protagonist, Romochka, the ecocritical potential in the idea of ferality, and its grimly realistic portrayal of both Romochka’s privations and the comfort offered by the company and loyalty of dogs. I read the novel less optimistically, through Giorgio Agamben’s conception of “bare life” and the metaphorical instrument of its production, the anthropological machine as described in The Open: Man and Animal. Romochka is excluded from political life and from legal protection, yet is subject to state intervention. Further, I argue that the novel is engaged in Australian and international debates about people excluded from political life and from the protection of the law, such as the homeless and refugees, who are nonetheless exposed to state power and surveillance.


Author(s):  
Edgar Illas

L’elegia IX de les Elegies de Bierville de Carles Riba, escrita a la França ocupada el 1941, conté una contradicció aparent sobre el rol de la guerra en la construcció de la democràcia. D’una banda, Riba escriu que, a l’hora de fundar la democràcia, a Grècia no li calia guanyar la guerra amb Pèrsia, sinó només donar cabuda al desig de llibertat d’uns homes atenencs. D’altra banda, però, el poema acaba suggerint que la guerra també forma part de la democràcia, ja que aquells que no són lliures, “els batuts”, es retroben a si mateixos com a soldats que lluiten per aconseguir la llibertat.El meu treball fa una lectura històrica de l’elegia política de Riba i relaciona la contradicció que conté amb el sorgiment de l’independentisme a la Catalunya contemporània. La meva pregunta és si cal entendre l’independentisme com un desig de democràcia o com una guerra per obtenir poder estatal. Per formular la pregunta, contraposo el terme de Michael Hardt i Antonio Negri “poder constituent” sobre els moviments actuals de transformació política i el terme de Carlo Galli “guerra global” sobre les guerres de poder sobre l’espai en la globalització. La meva hipòtesi és que a la Catalunya global, com en el poema de Riba, democràcia i guerra continuen generant una contradicció insoluble i necessària. The elegy IX of Carles Riba’s Elegies de Bierville, written in occupied France in 1941, contains an apparent contradiction about the role of war in the construction of democracy. On the one hand, Riba writes that, in order to found of democracy, Greece did not have to win the war against Persia; all they needed was to recognize and accommodate the longing for freedom of a particular group of Athenians. On the other hand, however, the poem suggests in the end that war is also part of democracy, as those who are not free, the “vanquished,” can only regain their souls by acting as soldiers who fight for freedom. My paper undertakes a historical reading of Riba’s political elegy and relates its contradiction to the emergence of separatism in contemporary Catalonia. My question is whether we must understand separatism as a longing for democracy or as a war to obtain state power. To formulate this question, I juxtapose Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s notion of “constituent power,” which theorizes today’s movements of political transformation, to Carlo Galli’s term “global war,” which describes the power wars in the spaces of globalization. My hypothesis is that in global Catalonia, like in Riba’s poem, democracy and war continue to generate an inherent and unsurpassable contradiction.


2017 ◽  
Vol 225 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitrios Barkas ◽  
Xenia Chryssochoou

Abstract. This research took place just after the end of the protests following the killing of a 16-year-old boy by a policeman in Greece in December 2008. Participants (N = 224) were 16-year-olds in different schools in Attiki. Informed by the Politicized Collective Identity Model ( Simon & Klandermans, 2001 ), a questionnaire measuring grievances, adversarial attributions, emotions, vulnerability, identifications with students and activists, and questions about justice and Greek society in the future, as well as about youngsters’ participation in different actions, was completed. Four profiles of the participants emerged from a cluster analysis using representations of the conflict, emotions, and identifications with activists and students. These profiles differed on beliefs about the future of Greece, participants’ economic vulnerability, and forms of participation. Importantly, the clusters corresponded to students from schools of different socioeconomic areas. The results indicate that the way young people interpret the events and the context, their levels of identification, and the way they represent society are important factors of their political socialization that impacts on their forms of participation. Political socialization seems to be related to youngsters’ position in society which probably constitutes an important anchoring point of their interpretation of the world.


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