Yes, We Did? Educational Equity in a New “Post-Racial” Society

2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (14) ◽  
pp. 171-184
Author(s):  
Adrienne D. Dixson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Personal Narrative ◽  
Educational Equity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
American President

The election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States of America marked a watershed moment in American politics. Campaigning on the slogans, “Si se puede!” and “Hope” and “Change,” many Americans, regardless of race, had hoped that his election would also signal an improvement and progress in U.S. race relations and usher in a “post-racial” moment in the United States. This chapter draws on personal narrative to examine the post-racial rhetoric within the context of a multicultural and equity studies doctoral course.

Barack Obama and the Politics of Race

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martell Teasley ◽  
David Ikard
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Free Society ◽  
American President ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
Racial Lines

Many scholars across racial lines argue that the historic election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States marks the dawning of a “postracial era” in our country. Despite this claim and unprecedented enthusiasm that abounds within African American circles about the direction of race relations in this country, there seems to be a glaring ideological disconnect between the desire and reality of a race-free society. Focusing attention on this disconnect and the symbolic capital of “hope” that Obama’s presidency constitutes for the Black community, this article exposes the potential pitfalls of wholesale investment in postracial thinking, particularly for the most economically vulnerable African American populations. Chief among the questions that the authors ask is how African Americans can productively address the continuing challenges of race-centric oppression under an Obama administration that is itself an embodiment of this postrace thinking.

Can We Expect More than Symbolic Support?

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
Bereket Habte Selassie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Human Values ◽  
American Presidency ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World

When I think about the extraordinary writing and speaking phenomenon by the name of Barack Obama, who also happens to be the President of the United States of America, the most powerful country in the world, I can't help asking myself, what can he do for Africa? I ask this not only because he is a son of Africa, but also because I hear in his speeches the words of a man deeply committed to human values, and therefore concerned with the predicament of Africa's people in this age of globalization.As the first African American elected to the American presidency, Obama represents an extraordinary symbolic change in American politics. No one can underestimate the symbolic significance of his election. Nor should it be considered purely a matter of symbolism; a changing of the guard at the top necessarily involves—or should involve—implications of substantive change. There is the rub—can we expect substantive change of any significance from his election, given the nature and structure of American politics and society?In connection with that question it is fair to ask: what does the Age of Obama portend for Africa? Two related questions arise concerning this: first, what should Obama do for Africa, and second, what can he do for Africa? As to the first question, what Obama should do for Africa is linked to Africa's need; and we can spend a whole day talking about that and not exhaust it. On the basis of Obama's speeches, including especially his Accra speech of July 11, 2009, and our own sense of Africa's needs, I offer three primary talking points that embrace a set of values or goals upon which all government systems should be based. The first is peace and stability, the second is sustainable economic development and social justice, and the third is democracy and good governance—not necessarily in that order.

P760Clinical profile of African-American and non-Hispanic caucasian patients with Takotsubo cardiomyopathy syndrome in a large urban hospital in the United States of America

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
P Westman ◽  
K Ravindra ◽  
J Chiabrando ◽  
D Kadariya ◽  
G Maehara ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Hospital Mortality ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Troponin I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Stress Cardiomyopathy ◽  
Urban Hospital ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Caucasian Patients

Abstract Background Takotsubo (stress) cardiomyopathy is an acute reversible heart failure syndrome initially described in Japanese patients, but now well characterized in Caucasians patients in Europe or of European descent. An initial observation has suggested a lower incidence of Takotsubo in non-Caucasian subjects, particularly in the African-American (AA) population in the United States of America. The purpose of this study was to assess whether epidemiologic and clinical differences were present in Takotsubo in a large urban hospital in Virginia, USA. Methods We used an informatics-based system to query electronic health records (TriNetX, Cambridge, MA, USA) to search for cases of Takotsubo between 2010 and 2018 and a corresponding cohort of patients with non-ST segment elevation acute myocardial infarction (NSTEMI). We then performed a chart-level review of 160 cases and obtained additional clinical information including symptoms, risk factors, co-morbidities, and in-hospital outcomes. This retrospective study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of our institution. Results We identified 260 cases of Takotsubo and 6,270 of NSTEMI in the same time period (1:24, 4.2%). Being AA was associated with an odds ratio of Takotsubo versus NSTEMI of 0.38 [0.29–0.50] (P=0.0001). With further evaluation of patients with Takotsubo (N=160), AA (N=44, 27.2%) and Non-Hispanic Caucasian (C) (N=110, 67.9%) had no differences in age and sex. AA patients with Takotsubo however were more likely than C patients to be affected by type II diabetes mellitus (38.6% versus 14.5%, P=0.002, OR 3.70 [1.65–8.28]), have history of drug abuse (27.3% versus 9.1%, P=0.009, OR 3.75 [1.48–9.49]) and of cocaine use in particular (9.1% versus 0.9%, P=0.024, OR 11.0 [1.19–101.4]). The pattern of wall motion abnormality was not different between the 2 groups. AA patients presented with a lower ratio of brain natriuretic peptide (BNP) to troponin I (41.9 [12.7–258] pg./ml versus 281 [42–890] pg/ml, P=0.022). There was no significant difference of in-hospital mortality between the AA and C groups (9.1% versus 25%, respectively, OR 0.40 [0.13–1.24], P=0.11). Conclusions The incidence and clinical characteristics of Takotsubo (stress) cardiomyopathy appear to be different between African-American and Non-Hispanic Caucasian patients. African-American patients are more likely to have diabetes and illicit drug usage, but have a lower BNP/troponin I ratio. Both AA and Non-Hispanic Caucasian patients have similar in-hospital mortality.

Analysis of Black American Voters in Barack Obama’s Victory

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Kilson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Black American ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
American President

This chapter probes the electoral attributes of a special political dynamic that contributed significantly to Barack Obama's victory in both the 2008 Democratic primary contests and in the national presidential election. That special political dynamic involved the unique contribution of African American voters (hereafter referred to as the Black Voter Bloc or BVB) in facilitating Obama's election as the first African American President of the United States. It argues that the BVB played a critical electoral role in the Obama campaign's delegate count victory in the Democratic primaries by early July 2008 and in the Obama–Biden Democratic ticket's victory over the McCain–Palin Republican ticket in the November 4, 2008, presidential election.

Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics, Manning Marable, Second Edition, London: Verso, 2009

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221
Author(s):  
Paul M. Heideman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Black Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
African American Politics ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Transformative Politics

AbstractThe new edition of Manning Marable’sBeyond Black and Whiteseeks to explain the course of black politics in the United States over the last thirty years. Marable argues that this history shows the failure of liberal and nationalist politics to address the problems facing black Americans. Though Marable attempts to chart a course beyond these ideologies, his alternative of ‘transformative politics’, shorn of the revolutionary Marxism that defined his earlier writings, is no more capable of confronting racial inequality than the strategies it seeks to replace.

Is Obama’s Win a Gain for Blacks?

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bernstein ◽  
Steven G. Young ◽  
Heather M. Claypool
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Intergroup Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Explicit Prejudice ◽  
Implicit Prejudice ◽  
The Impact

Many have questioned what Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election means for prejudice and intergroup relations in the United States. In this study, we examined both explicit and implicit prejudice toward African Americans prior to and immediately following the election of the first African American to the nation’s highest office. Results indicated that implicit prejudice (as measured by an IAT) decreased following Obama’s victory, though explicit prejudice remained unchanged. The results are discussed in terms of the malleability of implicit attitudes, race relations, and the impact an Obama presidency and other positive exemplars may have on intergroup relations.

scholarly journals The Differentiation of Products and Opportunity for Intra-Industry Exchange

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Jean-Sylvain Ndo Ndong
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
World Trade ◽  
The United States ◽  
Improve Product Quality ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
American President ◽  
The World

The financial crisis of the late 2000s gave rise to protectionist hints which called into question the consensus on the liberalization of world trade since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. This trend towards protectionism has taken on new magnitude with the arrival of Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. In fact, since the beginning of 2018, the American administration has carried out its threats by imposing customs duties on imports of the various products from China and the European Union. In retaliation, the countries concerned responded with restrictions on American exports to their territory. Also the rationality of the market economy, there is more and more opposed the power of emotions and impulses embodied by the populists at the head of which D. Trump, the American President. Globalization is therefore required to adapt its rules to survive. The purpose of this paper is to show that for a good adaptation of its rules, it is necessary to activate one of the most powerful levers of gains in international trade, the differentiation of products. This is a response to the exploitation of the diversification and heterogeneity of demand in terms of tastes and incomes. Because, by allowing the firm to differentiate its products to distinguish them from those of competitors, differentiation offers the opportunity to soften competition, increase profits and improve product quality.

scholarly journals THE DIVERSITY CHALLENGE

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-266
Author(s):  
Lawrence D. Bobo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Hurricane Katrina ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
American President ◽  
Economic Collapse

To characterize U.S. politics today as polarized is to state the obvious. Nevertheless, Barack Obama's election as the forty-fourth and first African American president of the United States in 2008 had an air of inevitability to it. The presidency of George W. Bush was at that point widely regarded as a profound failure. His administration had mishandled two on-going wars, brought us the nationally humbling debacle of hurricane Katrina, and took us to the brink of economic collapse. And thus the Democratic party nominee for president, who happened to be Black, was handily elected with 53% of the popular vote, carrying twenty-eight states and with some 365 electoral college votes.

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