“A Kotex and a Smile”

2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (10) ◽  
pp. 1325-1347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Lee

This article explores the menarche or first-period narratives of 155 young women, focusing on their relationships with their mothers at this time. It finds that maternal scripts are changing as young women of this cohort, most of whom started their periods around the new millennium, recalled supportive mothers who were emotionally engaged with them. Although such support is related to positive experiences of menarche, it is not a guarantee, as substantial numbers of women with warm maternal support recalled negative memories of menarche. Still, this study suggests that emotionally connected mothers are able to mitigate feelings of shame and humiliation associated with the discourses of menstruation in contemporary culture. Finally, although White women and the more affluent are overrepresented among celebratory and emotionally connected mothers, women of color and, to some extent, the less affluent are overrepresented among the helpful, less demonstrative mothers. The latter seem to facilitate the least negative menarcheal responses on the part of daughters.

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtney L. Whitt ◽  
Stephanie L. Donnelly ◽  
Greer Findura ◽  
Guerda Nicolas

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ranita Ray

Abstract Racialized and classed “risk” narratives of sexuality in the United States construct economically marginalized young women of color as sexually precocious, potential teen mothers who are likely to end up as burdens on the state. Some scholars underline the utility of recognizing reproductive inequalities involved in constructing teen motherhood as an unequivocal social problem, and they stress the importance of exploring teen mothers’ agency in navigating dominant risk narratives. Fewer studies analyze how young women who are not pregnant or parenting produce, reproduce, and challenge dominant risk narratives about their sexuality. Drawing on three years of intensive fieldwork among 13 young economically marginalized black and Latina women, I demonstrate how feminist ideologies of empowerment interact with pervasive risk narratives in the everyday lives of marginalized women coming of age in the “shadow of the women’s movement.” My observations show that the young women strategically navigate circulating risk narratives about their sexuality by constructing an identity of distance characterized by feminist ideals of independence, self-respect, and self-development to distance themselves from these narratives. However, as they construct this identity of distance, they also stigmatize young mothers and police their own bodies and the bodies of their friends and sisters. I draw on women-of-color feminism to reflect on the uncomfortable relationship—evident in the process of a group of young women’s identity construction—between feminist ideologies of empowerment and bourgeois heteronormativity that marginalizes young women’s sexualities by constructing teen motherhood as inherently problematic.


Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorrie Frasure-Yokley

AbstractThis paper examines the extent to which ambivalent sexism toward women influenced vote choice among American women during the 2016 Presidential election. I examine how this varied between white women and women of color. The 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) features several measures from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale developed by Glick and Fiske (1996) to assess sexist attitudes toward women. An index of these measures is used to examine the extent to which ambivalent sexist attitudes influenced women's vote choice for Donald Trump, controlling for racial resentment, partisanship, attitudes toward immigrants, economic anxiety, and socio-demographics. On the one hand, my findings indicate that ambivalent sexism was a powerful influence on women's Presidential vote choice in 2016, controlling for other factors. However, this finding, based on a model ofall women votersis misleading, once an intersectional approach is undertaken. Once the data are disaggregated by gender and race, white women's political behavior proves very different than women of color. Among white women, ambivalent sexist views positively and significantly predicts vote choice for Trump, controlling for all other factors. However, for women of color, this relationship was negative and posed no statistical significant relationship to voting for Trump. Scholarship in gender and politics that does not account for group differences in race/ethnicity may present misleading results, which are either underestimated or overestimated.


Author(s):  
Naomi Zack

The subject of critical race theory is implicitly black men, and the main idea is race. The subject of feminism is implicitly white women, and the main idea is gender. When the main idea is race, gender loses its importance and when the main idea is gender, race loses its importance. In both cases, women of color, especially black women, are left out. Needed is a new critical theory to address the oppression of nonwhite, especially black, women. Critical plunder theory would begin with the facts of uncompensated appropriation of the biological products of women of color, such as sexuality and children.


Circulation ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Dreyfus ◽  
Pamela J Schreiner ◽  
Mercedes R Carnethon ◽  
Hilary Whitham ◽  
Richard Maclehose ◽  
...  

Introduction: Recent studies report an association between early age at menarche and risk of type 2 diabetes (T2D). However, information in young women is limited to self-reported diabetes in primarily white populations. We explored the association of age at menarche and clinically-defined T2D among young black and white women (mean age 25 at baseline) in the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults (CARDIA) cohort. Hypothesis: We assessed the hypothesis that the rate for T2D will decrease with each 1 year increase in age at menarche. Methods: Our analysis included 1,258 white and 1,341 black women (total=2,599) who participated in CARDIA during 1985-2006. We used Cox proportional hazards models to estimate hazard ratios (HR) for T2D (yes/no as determined at clinic visits) by continuous age at menarche. We excluded women with diabetes at baseline, missing age at menarche, or menarche <8 or >18 years. T2D was defined cumulatively from baseline among non-pregnant women as fasting blood glucose ≥ 126 mg/dl, A1C ≥ 6.5%, 2-hour oral glucose tolerance ≥ 200 mg/dl, or use of diabetes medication. Adjusted models included race (except race stratified models) and parental history of diabetes, as well as baseline age, education, and BMI as covariates. Results: Mean age at menarche was 12.6 years (SD=1.5; black=12.5, white=12.7). We identified 176 cases of T2D over 20 years of follow-up (cumulative incidence=6.8%). Among all women, the rate for T2D decreased by 16% for each 1 year increase in menarche age ( Table 1 ); we found no evidence of nonlinearity. HRs remained protective, but no longer statistically significant after adjustment for BMI. HRs were lower for white women compared to black women, although a test for race by menarche age interaction was not significant (p=0.26). Conclusions: We found evidence to support the hypothesis that early menarche increases the rate for T2D among young women. Higher baseline BMI among women with earlier menarche appears to attenuate the association of age at menarche and future glucose metabolism. Table 1. Hazard Ratio (HR) of Type 2 Diabetes for Each One Year Increase in Age at Menarche in the CARDIA Study, 1985-2006 Crude Model 1 Model 2 # T2D HR 95% CI HR 95% CI HR 95% CI All Women 176 0.84 0.76, 0.93 0.88 0.79, 0.98 0.94 0.85, 1.04 White 46 0.78 0.64, 0.96 0.83 0.68, 1.02 0.93 0.76, 1.16 Black 130 0.90 0.80, 1.01 0.90 0.80, 1.02 0.96 0.85, 1.08 Model 1: adjusted for race (except for race-stratified models), family history of diabetes, baseline age, and participant level of education at baseline (<HS, HS, >HS) Model 2: adjusted for variables in Model 1 plus baseline BMI


Author(s):  
Kirstie A. Dorr

Our book concludes with an exploration of national politics, structural antagonisms, and racial justice via transnational, indigenous, and women of color feminist perspectives. It also puts the black/white racial binary that has animated the rest of the book into a broader racial perspective. Kirstie A. Dorr introduces a set of case studies that signal some of the thorny polemics that complicate and confound the pursuit of racial justice as a solely nation-based project. This chapter concludes that, in our current political moment, analyses of racial discourse and practice must contend with the ways in which racial formation processes are at once geo-historically specific—that is, as temporally emplaced in particular, local, regional, and national contexts—and geo-historically relational—that is, as situated within and articulated with other geographies of racial capitalist formation and networks of cultural circulation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Shilyh Warren

This chapter explore matters of racial and ethnic difference and solidarity in films by white women and by women of color about communities of color. It argues that the films are most productively read as autoethnographies: studies of the mutual imbrication of selves and others, some individual and others collective, all of which are subject to the realities of gender, class, and race, albeit distinctly. In the context of political documentaries, just as in the conceptual battles over ethnography, matters of representation refract these tensions between inside and outside, self and other, us and them. Autoethnography is key to detecting the way women’s documentaries of the 1970s play a role in these ethical and political negotiations and the visions of justice they seek.


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