Part III: New Perspectives on International Migration to Europe: International Comparisons and International Relations: North American Free Trade and the European Situation Compared

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 506-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Weintraub
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
International Comparisons ◽  
The United States ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
Trade Preferences ◽  
The Right ◽  
European Situation

While both the EC and NAFTA are designed to provide trade preferences to the member countries, the two groupings differ markedly in other respects. The Treaty of Rome, establishing what is now the EC, consciously used economic means to foster political cohesion in Western Europe; whereas, the NAFTA negotiations seek free trade rather than more comprehensive economic integration precisely to minimize political content. The EC contains many social provisions absent from the NAFTA discussions, the most important of which is the right of migration from one EC country to another. However, migration between Mexico and the United States, both legal and undocumented, is more extensive than between any of the EC countries. This migration is unlikely to diminish in the near to medium term because of the great disparity that exists in the levels of income of the two countries. However, a reduction in the pressure to emigrate from Mexico over the long term requires sustained economic growth there, to which free trade with the United States can contribute.

The Unity of the West and Free Trade: A Report From Washington

Worldview ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 14-16
Author(s):  
Lionel Gelber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Common Market ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Common ◽  
De Gaulle

When the United States fostered the recovery and underwrote the security of Western Europe she had more than sentiment to impel her. That salient zone is a pivotal sector of the world balance, and while she may station fewer of her own troops upon its soil, she can entertain no total disengagement from it. But there is another West European item, the future of the Common Market, which calls for a fresh American scrutiny. The West will be better off if Western Europe acquires more of an ability to stand on its own feet. Gaullism, however, revealed a less modest goal, one that was not confined to France and did not vanish with the departure of General de Gaulle. On the contrary, it may have gained new leverage from his downfall.

Beyond Belief?

2019 ◽  
pp. 313-329
Author(s):  
Julie Hollar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
The World

This chapter analyzes the expansion of same-sex marriage around the world, its causes and its consequences. It argues that the domestic and transnational factors shaping a country’s adoption of same-sex marriage depend crucially on both time and place, encompassing the domestic and the transnational. It further suggests that the effects of same-sex marriage are likewise context-dependent, in most cases producing mixed results for LGBTQ people and movements. Incorporating cases outside of western Europe and the United States, this study urges a broader lens and a new focus on the short-term and long-term political effects of pursuing marriage equality.

scholarly journals Trade Complementarity and the Balance of Payments Constraint Hypothesis: A New Free Trade Agreement between Mexico and South Korea

Mathematics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 1708
Author(s):  
Luis Quintana-Romero ◽  
Nam Kwon Mun ◽  
Roldán Andrés-Rosales ◽  
José Álvarez-García
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Era ◽  
External Sector ◽  
Korean Market

Market diversification is one of the keys to success in the new era of world trade. Highly competitive countries have accomplished positive and sustained growth rates by not depending on a single market for their exports and imports. In Mexico, on the contrary, 80% of exports and 45% of imports concentrate in the United States. The South Korean market represents an opportunity for the Mexican economy, as the relationship between the two countries has strengthened in recent decades. This opportunity would promote greater economic growth for both countries if they reached a Free Trade Agreement, as we show in this work. The aim of this research is to assess the complementarity between these countries and estimate their external long-term equilibrium using the Thirlwall trade restriction model. Results confirm the existence of trade complementarity between the two economies and show that these are able to achieve long-term equilibrium in the external sector. Additionally, the Mexican economy would not face balance of payment constraints for growth when trading with South Korea, as it currently does with the United States.

scholarly journals The Cultural Revolution and Its Legacies in International Perspective

2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 632-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Lovell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Party Building ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

AbstractThis article explores the rhetoric and reality of the Cultural Revolution as an international phenomenon, examining (through published and oral histories) the ways in which it was perceived and interpreted beyond China. It focuses in particular on the diverse impact of Maoist ideas and practice on the counterculture movement of Western Europe and North America during the late 1960s and 1970s. Within Europe, Cultural Revolution Maoism galvanized Dadaist student protest, nurtured feminist and gay rights activism, and legitimized urban guerrilla terrorism. In the United States, meanwhile, it bolstered a broad programme of anti-racist civil rights campaigns and narrow Marxist-Leninist party-building. Despite Mao's hopes to launch a global permanent revolution, it appears that, over the long term, enthusiasm for the Cultural Revolution in Western Europe, the United States and parts of South-East Asia helped to splinter the radical left and assisted the right in consolidating its power throughout the 1980s and beyond.

Bank for International Settlements

1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-340
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
The United States ◽  
Balance Of Payments ◽  
Credit Policy ◽  
Bank Deposits ◽  
United States Economy ◽  
Bank For International Settlements

The twenty-fifth annual report of the Bank for International Settlements was made public in June 1955. In reviewing the period April 1, 1954—March 31, 1955, the report noted that 1954 had been a fundamentally prosperous year; in most countries of Europe the volume of production had continued to increase during 1954, and in the United States and Canada output had begun to rise again in the second half of the year and had continued to increase in the early months of 1955. The progress had been all the more notable since it had been achieved concurrently with an unusual degree of over-all price stability and without any resurgence of major balance-of-payments difficulties; in these respects the conditions prevailing in 1954 had been a continuation of those of the two preceding years. In discussing the 1953–1954 recession in the United States and the recovery which had taken place in the United States since the autumn of 1954, the report outlined the forces and policies which it felt had enabled the recession to be halted effectively and fairly rapidly: 1) the great wealth and liquidity of the United States economy; 2) the operation of various “automatic stabilizers”, such as income tax and unemployment insurance, which had not been dependent upon new policy decisions, but had come into operation of their own accord; 3) other factors conducive to stability, such as long-term borrowing, the insurance of individual bank deposits against loss to the depositor up to $10,000, and the system of margin requirements which had been introduced in 1934; 4) special steps taken by the authorities in the field of fiscal and credit policy; and 5) the continued economic expansion in western Europe.

scholarly journals INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE IN THE 20TH AND 21ST CENTURIES

2019 ◽  
Vol 2(13)/2019 (2(13)/2019) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Adam KUŹ
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Right

The purpose of the paper is to answer the question: what is the main reason why the Central and Eastern Europe countries did not enter into fruitful and long-term cooperation both in the interwar period and after the collapse of the Soviet Union despite a far-reaching commonality of interests? Conflicts between these countries are not decisive factors in their lack of integration. The degree of integration is proportional to the degree of involvement in Central and Eastern Europe of powers that could act as an external hegemony. In the interwar period, the United States, England and France, and after 1989, the United States had the right potential to undertake such a task in its interest. None of them, however, took up such a role in the long run. Attempts to integrate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to date, starting from the Versailles conference, indicate that the American protectorate is a necessary factor for implementing closer forms of cooperation between these countries.

New Trade Strategy For the World Economy, Edited by Harry G. Johnson, George Allen and Unwin, London, 1969.

1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-92
Author(s):  
Z. A. Vaince
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trade Association ◽  
Integration Scheme ◽  
Kennedy Round ◽  
Trade Area

Harry G. Johnson edited the book under review when trade policy after the Kennedy Round was in a state of flux. In the United States there was a resurgence of protectionism. Britain suffered another EEC rebuff in the same period, with Western Europe remaining at Sixes and Sevens. The imbalance of European Currencies and the inadequacy of international reserves were a threat to international trade. Generalised Tariff Preferences for developing countries were agreed in principle, but agreement in practice was not in sight. President Kennedy's Grand Design needed a revision. A New Trade Strategy was required. The present collection of papers seems to have been designed to provide this new strategy. In broad terms, what is proposed is the establishment of a free trade regime in industrial products amongst a group of countries touching the Atlantic, together with some subsidiary proposals for action in related areas of trade policy. The nucleus of what would thus initially be a North Atlantic Free Trade Area (NAFTA) would be the United States, Canada and Britain and other members of the European Free Trade Associa¬tion (EFTA). But the plan would be an "open-ended" arrangement which other industrialised nations — Japan, Australia, New Zealand and the countries - of the European Economic Community—could also join, provided they were prepared to conform to the rules that this integration scheme would entail. The launching of a multilateral free trade association could be the means of continuing the momentum towards world trade liberalisation and of countering the inward-looking tendencies of the EEC.

Public Input in Toxic Site Cleanup Decisions: The Strengths and Limitations of Community Advisory Boards

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucie Laurian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Contaminated Sites ◽  
Quantitative Methodology ◽  
Public Agencies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Advisory Boards ◽  
Community Advisory Boards

Toxic sites worldwide expose millions to environmental and health risks. In response, public agencies in Western Europe and the United States have begun to identify and remediate contaminated sites. Public participation in cleanup decisions is a critical part of this process. US agencies increasingly rely on Community Advisory Boards (CABs) to facilitate long-term participation. CABs are intended to inform and consult the public and integrate citizens' input in cleanup decisions. Recent research, however, finds that participatory processes often fall short of their objectives. This paper examines the performance of CABs in involving the public in toxic sites cleanup decisions in the United States. The research (1) develops a conceptual framework and a quantitative methodology to assess CABs; and (2) uses this methodology to assess whether CABs achieve successful participation. The analysis targets CABs at five toxic sites in Tucson, Arizona, and builds on the content analysis of eighty-one CAB meeting minutes, twenty-seven interviews with CAB members, and a survey of eighty residents around three of the sites. The key findings are that, although CABs successfully diffuse information from agencies to CAB members and (to a lesser degree) gather feedback from CAB members, they fail to inform the general public and provide community feedback to the agency.

scholarly journals Mexican experience on migration and development 1990-2013

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (41) ◽  
pp. 205-224
Author(s):  
Rodolfo García Zamora
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Transnational Communities ◽  
Mexican Migrant ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Right ◽  
Migration And Development

After 40 years of a long rising emigration from Mexico to the United States, the number of Mexicans increased to 12 million in 2006, while the increased input of remittances reached $26 million dollars in 2007. Yet, the increasing migration and remittances mainly in Zacatecas and Michoacan states do not achieve economic and social development because of the persistent backwardness, unemployment and marginalization. It demands the need for new Policies of Development, Migration and Human Rights that allow exercising the right to not emigrate in a medium term. Positive products of this long migration are the Mexican Migrant Clubs and their Federations that elaborated the concrete development proposals. Whereas, the possibility that these proposals can become a Development, Migration and Human Rights, Comprehensive and Long Term State Policy will depend on the capacity and participation of Mexican Civil Society and the Transnational Communities in both countries.

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