scholarly journals Post-Neoliberalism? An Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642110367
Author(s):  
William Davies ◽  
Nicholas Gane

This article provides an introduction to the special issue on post-neoliberalism. It does so by considering challenges to the neoliberal order that have come, post-financial crisis, from the political right. It looks closely at the relation of neoliberalism to conservatism, on one hand, and libertarianism, on the other, in order to address the threat posed to the neoliberal order by paleoconservatism, neoreactionary politics, ordonationalism, libertarian paternalism, and different forms of sovereignty and elite power. The final section of this introduction reflects on the challenge to the neoliberal orthodoxy posed by the current COVID-19 crisis. For while events of 2020–21 have facilitated new forms of privatization of many public services and goods, they also signal, potentially, a break from the neoliberal orthodoxies of the previous four decades, and, in particular, from their overriding concern for the market.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 379-385
Author(s):  
Fabienne Brugère

This afterword reflects on the tension between art, politics and philosophy at the thematic core of this Special Issue, ‘Migrants and Refugees Between Aesthetics and Politics’. Brugère calls attention to a recent art exhibition – one that came out of her book with Guillaume Le Blanc, The End of Hospitality – at the Museum of the History of Immigration, in Paris, as a way to frame a conflict between two ideas of hospitality, or the broad ethical gesture to welcome others and the political right that more and more governments are unable to uphold as borders tighten around the globe. The afterword elaborates on the aims of the exhibition, namely, to show ‘a correspondence between art and philosophy on the question of hospitality’. Rather than a mere representation of discourse around migration, the artwork displays a praxis of the imagination, one in which cultural production by and about refugees brings spectators to recognize a shared sense of vulnerability and to question received ideas on migration. In this manner, contemporary art forms become an essential link in the ongoing struggle between ethics and politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Ettorre

This article explores autoethnography as one way of doing feminist research in the drugs field. By telling my story during my 40 years experience as a feminist researcher in the drugs field, I aim to help those practicing critical drug scholarship to become familiar with this methodology as a viable way of employing a gender analysis, an employment that is the focus of this special issue. This paper is divided into five related discussions. First, I explain what feminist autoethnography is. Second, I look at how doing feminist “drugs” autoethnography helps to develop empathy. Third, I describe the methods and use of data employed in this paper. Fourth, I tell my story chronologically from 1972 to the present time. Lastly, as with many autoethnographies, my analysis of my “story as data” is left to last and I discuss the political implications of my experiences, while “feeling about” empathy as resonance with the other.


2004 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD TOWELL

This final article re-examines the approaches outlined in the other articles in this Special Issue in order to evaluate the contribution which each one has brought to the study of the second language acquisition of French. The final section identifies the difficulty for all approaches of stating how input can be converted into intake and suggests three possible ways forward.


Dialogia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq

Abstract. Purwowijoyo or Sukatman Purwosuwito (11 April 1914 - March 20, 1994) idealism is to provide the greatest profit for civil through historiography of the local history of Ponorogo and his idealism was written in Babad Ponorogo. Theoretically, history method had been conducted in his historiography.  Futhermore, Babad Ponorogo comprises 8 volumes. In Babad Ponorogo, it told about various patriotic events in Ponorogo society gaining imperialism for instance Raden Martopuro in 1853 and Kampak Patik in 1885). Then to commemorate that events, public services was developed by Bathoro Katong government. It was complicated reasons in fighting Dutch because of the political situation of foreign imperialism adverse social and economic. Ponorogo goverment had priority in determining the development. On the other hand, its government was enforced by colonial.  All regulations were assigned by invaders. And after Independence Day, Central Goverment instructs all Ponorogo programs in developing their region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642199944
Author(s):  
Nicholas Gane

Given the growing prominence of nudge economics both within and beyond the academy, it is a timely moment to reassess the philosophical and political arguments that sit at its core, and in particular what Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein call libertarian paternalism. The first half of this paper provides a detailed account of the main features of this form of paternalism, before moving, in the second half, to a critical evaluation of the nudge agenda that questions, among other things, the gendered basis of paternalistic governance; the idea of ‘nudging for good’; and the political values that underpin nudge. The final section of this paper builds on the existing work of John McMahon by asking whether libertarian paternalism should be understood as a new, hybrid form of neoliberalism, or, rather, as a post-neoliberal form of governance that has emerged out of, and flourished in, the post-crisis situation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Anstead

Employing a dataset of 1843 think tank publications containing 37 million words, computer-assisted text analysis was used to examine the idea of austerity in British politics between 2003 and 2013. Theoretically, the article builds on the ideational turn in political research. However, in contrast to much ideational work which argues that ideas are important at times of crisis because they can address uncertainty, this article argues that moments of crisis can lead to the reformulation of ideas. Empirically, this article demonstrates the transformation of the idea of austerity. Prior to the 2008 financial crisis, austerity was largely understood either in historical terms or as a practice applied in other countries. In the aftermath of the crisis, both the political right and left attempted to co-opt the idea of austerity for their own ends, combining it with various other ideational strands on which they have historically drawn.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 857-873
Author(s):  
Marie Moran ◽  
Jo Littler

This article unpacks the concept of ‘cultural populism’ in multiple ways, and explores its value for the critical analysis of new formations and expressions of populism in the current conjuncture. Taking Jim McGuigan’s influential book, Cultural Populism, as our point of departure, we begin by exploring its earlier use in cultural studies as a critical term for apolitical/celebratory modes of analysis, and then argue it may be usefully extended today to refer to popular and political efforts to construct a ‘people’ in overtly cultural terms. Second, we make the case for renewing an expressly ‘critical populist’ stance, one that is attentive to ordinary tastes and pleasures, while also locating and analysing them in relation to the production of needs and desires within a capitalist political economy, and that is attuned to the political possibilities for change. Third, we argue that the resources of cultural studies should be mobilised to redress some of the deficiencies of dominant accounts of populism from political science, and suggest that the twin concepts of cultural and critical populism offer an advance over the elitist and culturally reductive mode of analysis associated with Inglehart and Norris’ conception of ‘cultural backlash’. We conclude by offering an overview of the other contributions to the special issue, as they seek to push the concept of cultural populism in new directions, while also critically engaging with residual, dominant and emergent popular and populist currents in these new populist times.


Author(s):  
Hoda Gharib ◽  
Megan Boler

This study explores the emotions, beliefs, and deep stories about the self and other that are held by individuals on the political right and left in America in order to understand the manifestation of affective polarization during divisive historical moments. It also documents expressions of victimhood, villainhood, and privilege to determine how they intersect with narratives about the ingroup and outgroup. Horwitz (2018) argues that victimhood has become a desirable status in American politics and is thus a site of contestation. Therefore, we ask: what beliefs and emotions do individuals hold about the ingroup and outgroup and how do these contribute to exacerbating affective polarization? We conducted a four-month digital ethnography before, during and after the 2020 US election and developed an innovative approach to affective discourse analysis through an iterative, grounded study in order to analyse Facebook, Twitter, and Gab content. We coded 2500 cross-partisan posts/comments that focused on the January 6 Capitol events and election outcome/fraud and were underscored by themes of race and partisanship. Individuals on the political right and left expressed deep distrust towards the outgroup but thankfulness to those speaking their own narrative. Findings also indicate that affective polarization has deeper roots in feelings of bitterness and resentment of the other. These are linked to the ingroup’s narrative of victimhood/blame and serve to strengthen the boundaries of ingroup and outgroup identities as membership in the group becomes defined in part by the recognition (or lack thereof) of that group’s pain and oppression.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


MediaTropes ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. i-xvi
Author(s):  
Jordan Kinder ◽  
Lucie Stepanik

In this introduction to the special issue of MediaTropes on “Oil and Media, Oil as Media,” Jordan B. Kinder and Lucie Stepanik provide an account of the stakes and consequences of approaching oil as media as they situate it within the “material turn” of media studies and the broader project energy humanities. They argue that by critically approaching oil and its infrastructures as media, the contributions that comprise this issue puts forward one way to develop an account of oil that further refines the larger tasks and stakes implicit in the energy humanities. Together, these address the myriad ways in which oil mediates social, cultural, and ecological relations, on the one hand, and the ways in which it is mediated, on the other, while thinking through how such mediations might offer glimpses of a future beyond oil.


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