In Search of Chinese Paternalistic Leadership

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivian C. Sheer

Extant empirical research fails to support the popular belief that paternalistic leadership (PL) style is a basic characteristic in Chinese organizations. In search of empirical evidence of PL as a practicing style, surveys were conducted with employees from small Chinese family businesses (CFBs) in mainland China and Hong Kong (HK). In the China sample, PL’s three dimensions (authoritarianism, benevolence, and morality) were internally convergent; managers exhibited reasonably high levels of PL, and PL as a whole predicted positive employee-perceived outcomes. In the HK sample, however, PL’s three dimensions showed inconsistent correlations, greatly similar to the extant findings. Consequently, PL as a whole could not be analyzed for that sample. Findings suggest that PL may be restricted only to CFBs in China. Management communication implications are discussed.

2003 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dauvin J. Peterson ◽  
Scott Pardee ◽  
Phanindra V. Wunnava

Asian Survey ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 820-839
Author(s):  
Patrick Yeung
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Efrain Garcia-Sanchez ◽  
Nelson Molina Valencia ◽  
Estefanía Buitrago ◽  
Zabdi Sanz ◽  
Valentina Ramírez ◽  
...  

El autoritarismo es un constructo ampliamente estudiado en psicología para investigar comportamientos políticos. Para su medición se suele usar la escala de autoritarismo de derechas (RWA), la cual tiene variaciones en sus propiedades psicométricas según cada contexto. En este artículo traducimos y adaptamos una versión reducida del autoritarismo de derechas al contexto colombiano. En dos estudios (NEstudio1=417;NEstudio2=396), identificamos tres dimensiones: agresión-autoritaria, sumisión-autoritaria y convencionalismo; y encontramos que la RWA estuvo asociada positivamente con: dominancia social, deshumanización del adversario, apoyo al conflicto, patriotismo, sexismo, homofobia y la prohibición de políticas sociales consideradas como liberales (e.g., aborto, matrimonio igualitario, eutanasia). Se aporta evidencia empírica a favor de las propiedades psicométricas de la escala de RWA en el contexto colombiano. Authoritarianism is widely used construct to study political behaviors.For its measurement, researchers usually use the right authoritarianism scale (RWA), which has variations in its psychometric properties according to each context. In this article we translate and adapt a reduced version of RWA to the Colombian context. In two studies (NStudy1=417; NStudy2=396), we identified three dimensions: authoritarian-aggression, authoritarian-submission,and conventionalism. We also found that RWA was positively associated with: social dominance, dehumanization of the adversary, support for conflict, patriotism, sexism, homophobia and the prohibition of social policies considered liberal (e.g., abortion, equal marriage, euthanasia). Empirical evidence is provided in favor of the psychometric properties of the RWA scale in the Colombian context


Author(s):  
Hugh Lafollette

Valuable armchair arguments are shaped by significant reservoirs of knowledge, albeit knowledge that lies in their background, rather than the foreground. So understood armchair arguments are essential to any serious investigation of the issue of gun control. They help establish the burden of proof: they show what it is reasonable to believe if the rights-based arguments and the empirical evidence are less than compelling. They inform the arguments about the serious right to bear arms. They are essential in seeking and evaluating empirical evidence: they enable researchers to know how to structure empirical research and how to interpret their findings.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110072
Author(s):  
Ramon van der Does ◽  
Vincent Jacquet

Deliberative minipublics are popular tools to address the current crisis in democracy. However, it remains ambiguous to what degree these small-scale forums matter for mass democracy. In this study, we ask the question to what extent minipublics have “spillover effects” on lay citizens—that is, long-term effects on participating citizens and effects on non-participating citizens. We answer this question by means of a systematic review of the empirical research on minipublics’ spillover effects published before 2019. We identify 60 eligible studies published between 1999 and 2018 and provide a synthesis of the empirical results. We show that the evidence for most spillover effects remains tentative because the relevant body of empirical evidence is still small. Based on the review, we discuss the implications for democratic theory and outline several trajectories for future research.


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