The European Parliament and the Europeanization of Green Parties

2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric H. Hines

Significance In Europe, environmentalist groups and farmers oppose the deal and have growing support among governments and in the European Parliament, in particular as a result of Brazil’s environmental policies. Argentina has adopted an increasingly protectionist stance since the return of Kirchnerism in late 2019, increasing existing rifts within Mercosur. Impacts European civil society and governments will push back on the deforestation of Brazil’s Amazon rainforest under Bolsonaro. Green parties that are on the rise across Europe will demand the inclusion of mandatory environmental clauses before considering the deal. The economic impact of the pandemic could strengthen protectionist demands from European farmers and Mercosur manufacturers.


Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 265-304
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits ◽  
Bram Wauters

At 13 June 1999, elections for the regional Parliaments, the federal Parliament (both House of Representatives and Senate) and the European Parliament were held in Belgium.The percentage of voters casting a preferential vote at these elections increased again,  reaching the highest score ever in Belgian history. On average, 60,9 % of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates. Although voters have the possibility to cast a multiple preferential vote (i.e. a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list) , this possibility is not used very much. A voter who cast a preferential vote, only vote on average for 1,73 candidates.The further increase in preferential votes was a little surprise since strong limitations were imposed upon campaign expenditures and on commercial affichage.  Political and social evolutions, such as individualism, anti-party feelings and mediatisation seem to have had a stronger impact upon preferential voting than these material limitations.The use of the preferential vote varies from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons, and from one party to another. There were some notable evolutions. The voters of the extreme-right Vlaams Blok and of the green parties Agalev and Ecolo, who traditionally cast less preferential votes than voters of other parties, have dimished the gap between them and the other parties. Another important evolution is the decrease of pref erential voting in some constituencies in Wallonia. As for the Senate and the European Parliament, more Flemings now cast a preferential vote than Walloons do. The large constituencies used for these elections seem to attract very well-known politicians and as a consequence also very much preferential votes in Flanders.Despite the increase in preferential voting, the order of the list, composed by the party remained in most cases decisive whether or nota candidate was elected.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Mihaela Ivănescu ◽  
Luiza-Maria Filimon

The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections witnessed an unprecedented wave of radical right parties (RRPs) not only enter the EP, but even outperform the centre-right and centre-left parties in several Member States (MSs). With few exceptions, the 2019 EP elections reconfirmed this state of affairs, although this time around Liberal and Green parties also made inroads into the EP. Despite these results, the performance of the RRPs tends to be taken with a grain of salt since EP elections are generally considered Second Order Elections (SOEs). Yet the electoral consolidation witnessed by these parties in various Member States indicates that their performance is more than a fluke and that therefore it should not be treated as an outlier that is going to be course-corrected by the next election cycle. The 2019 EP election showed that this was not the case. In this regard, this paper examines the notion of radical right mainstreaming by tracking how, at the EU level, RRPs vacillate between pursuing forms of respectable cohabitation in EP groups such as the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR) or, as was the case in 2019, they are embracing policy congruent schemes (see the Identity and Democracy Group).


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 130-140
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Iain MacAllister
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Stefan Marek Grochalski

Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament’s powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.


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