Madness, virtue, and ecology: A classical Indian approach to psychiatric disturbance

2021 ◽  
pp. 095269512098224
Author(s):  
Chakravarthi Ram-Prasad

The Caraka Saṃhitā (ca. first century BCE–third century CE), the first classical Indian medical compendium, covers a wide variety of pharmacological and therapeutic treatment, while also sketching out a philosophical anthropology of the human subject who is the patient of the physicians for whom this text was composed. In this article, I outline some of the relevant aspects of this anthropology – in particular, its understanding of ‘mind’ and other elements that constitute the subject – before exploring two ways in which it approaches ‘psychiatric’ disorder: one as ‘mental illness’ ( mānasa-roga), the other as ‘madness’ ( unmāda). I focus on two aspects of this approach. One concerns the moral relationship between the virtuous and the well life, or the moral and the medical dimensions of a patient’s subjectivity. The other is about the phenomenological relationship between the patient and the ecology within which the patient’s disturbance occurs. The aetiology of and responses to such disturbances helps us think more carefully about the very contours of subjectivity, about who we are and how we should understand ourselves. I locate this interpretation within a larger programme on the interpretation of the whole human being, which I have elsewhere called ‘ecological phenomenology’.

Augustinianum ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-374
Author(s):  
Clementina Mazzucco ◽  

The article deals with the views of the Fathers of the Church on relations between husband and wife between the end of the first century and the end of the third century, an age that is less studied in this respect, even though it offers good documentation concerning the subject (particularly in the case of Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria). Four themes are considered: 1. adultery and separation; 2. the conjugal debt; 3. the division of tasks between husband and wife; 4. the faith life of the couple. Different opinions and often original points of view are presented in regard to the lawfulness of the second marriage, the culpability of adultery, the value of sexuality in the marriage and the wife’s subordination to her husband.


1957 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 39-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.J. Boyd

It has long been known that two medieval scholiasts, one of them called John of Sicily, the other anonymous, commenting on a passage of Hermogenes' , ascribe what looks like a passage of the de Sublimitate to ‘Longinus’. On the assumption, however, that the ‘Longinus’ referred to must be Cassius Longinus, the third-century rhetorician, scholars have tended to minimize the vweight of the evidence and attempted to explain it away. For it is now established that the de Sublimitate must date from the first century A.D. Yet, apart from the identity of ‘Longinus’, the evidence of the scholiasts looks clear and specific.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 365-372
Author(s):  
Coriolan Horatiu Oprean

Abstract The author is dealing with the tile-stamps found in the Roman auxiliary fort at Porolissum attempting to establish which of the many units recorded on tile-stamps stayed in garrison at Porolissum. The author of the present article is arguing his own hypothesis on the subject, based on his own excavations at Porolissum and on all the data gathered from the scientific literature. He finally proposes two tables and a graph that correlate all the information on the troops known from the tile-stamps and stone inscriptions, establishing which of them were in garrison at Porolissum and which were only temporarily attached for building activity. At the same time he sets in chronological order the tile-stamps, demonstrating that the three units which built the headquarters building and the gates of the fort (coh III, L VII GF, L III G) were brought to the Porolissum area late in Hadrian‘s reign, to build in stone the fort and other military facilities in the limes area of Porolissum. The permanent garrison of the fort was composed during the 2nd century AD of two infantry auxiliary units, cohors I Brittonum and cohors V Lingonum, while a third one, numerus Palmyrenorum was probably lodged in a smaller fort situated 500 m away, on the Citera Hill. In the third century, cohors V Lingonum was still there, cohors I Brittonum also for Caracalla‘s time (even not recorded by any later inscription, but, at the same time, not attested in another fort), while the smaller Citera Hill fort was out of use and the numerus Palmyrenorum Porolissensium was moved inside the big fort from Pomet Hill. The author is concluding that the garrison of the military site Porolissum was not changed during the Roman rule in Dacia, all the other tile-stamps found belonging to units brought mainly during the 2nd century to built the military facilities of this strengthened sector of the frontier.


Author(s):  
Tan Kamil Gurer

Many metropolitan cities have been faced with sustainability issues at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The problems are related to several subjects. Two of them are essential for the sustainability of townscapes: one is the subject of visual sustainability of the character of a townscape, and the other is the sustainable development of the city and its relation with the urban form. Overcoming the difficulties arising from the improper use of city’s resources can be possible by understanding the true nature of its urban form, how urban landscapes have developed historically, and which processes have shaped their forms. Typomorphology is a method for understanding the character of the urban form. It reveals the physical and spatial structure of cities. In this work, typomorphological method will be introduced, and its importance will be discussed according to sustainability of townscapes.


2012 ◽  
pp. 1418-1432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tan Kamil Gurer

Many metropolitan cities have been faced with sustainability issues at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The problems are related to several subjects. Two of them are essential for the sustainability of townscapes: one is the subject of visual sustainability of the character of a townscape, and the other is the sustainable development of the city and its relation with the urban form. Overcoming the difficulties arising from the improper use of city’s resources can be possible by understanding the true nature of its urban form, how urban landscapes have developed historically, and which processes have shaped their forms. Typomorphology is a method for understanding the character of the urban form. It reveals the physical and spatial structure of cities. In this work, typomorphological method will be introduced, and its importance will be discussed according to sustainability of townscapes.


The canal, which is the subject of this letter, appears to have been discovered by the author in the year 1803, although no account has been given of it till the present description was drawn up at the request of Mr. Home. From the extremity of the sixth ventricle of the brain in the horse, bullock, sheep, hog, and dog (which corresponds to the fourth ventricle in the human subject), a canal passes in a direct course to the centre of the spinal marrow, and may be discovered in its course by a transverse section of the spinal marrow in any part of its length, having a diameter sufficient to admit a large-sized pin; and it is proved to be a continued tube, from one extremity to the other, by the passage of quicksilver in a small stream in either direction through it.


2001 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-228
Author(s):  
Michael Willis

AbstractThe Buddhist saints, that are the subject of this article, are known from a series of inscribed reliquaries collected by Alexander Cunningham and F. C. Maisey at Sanchi and neighbouring sites in central India. The inscriptions, dating to the circa early first century BC, have been known since readings of them were first published the mid-nineteenth century. The detailed re-examination of the records presented in this article shows that the reliquary inscriptions give special prominence to five Buddhist saints. The names given correspond to the five missionaries who, according to Pali sources, were sent to the Himalayan region at the time of the Third Council in the mid-third century BC. This indicates that (a) the Hemavata school was responsible for the re-vitalization of Sanchi in the post-Mauryan period and (b) that there was a well-established tradition about the nature of the Third Council in the first century BC.


1924 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Tarn

In this paper I am considering two things; the position of Delos as a ‘holy place,’ and the rules of the practice among Greek cities with regard to the grant of a τόπος or site for a stele. From these it follows automatically that the somewhat fashionable dogma of the ‘neutrality’ of Delos is not only (on our present materials) untrue, but is impossible,—it has no chance whatever of being true. It is strange that it should have gained the acceptance it has without any examination of its foundations ever having been made; however, this is so, and it presents rather a striking instance of the effect of mere repetition. Its importance, of course, consists in this, that, if it were true, then the festivals, etc., at Delos can never have any political meaning and we lose our only sure basis for the chronology of the middle of the third century. If this were necessary, one would naturally accept the consequences; the necessity, however, is in fact the other way. I am not going through what others have written; but I have borne in mind Professor Kolbe's argument for Delian neutrality in his drastic reconstruction of this period, a reconstruction which is ingenious, but is unfortunately based on other unsound hypotheses beside the Delian; and I shall notice in their place the four inscriptions with regard to the grant of a site on which he relied as exceptional, but which are really simple illustrations of well-established practice. I am dealing with that practice at some length, as I hope it may possess some interest of its own apart from the theme of this paper, seeing that the rules have never been formulated; but I was glad to find that Professor Wilhelm, who has done so much to elucidate the machinery of setting up decrees, in the two pages which he has incidentally given to the subject, at once noticed what I take to be the important matter, viz. that a question of interstate courtesy is involved.


1969 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 50-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Breeze

It is generally recognized that the first cohort of a legion in the Principate was larger than the other nine cohorts. It consisted of five centuries, each double the size of each of the six centuries of cohorts II to X. Literature, epigraphy and archaeology all agree over this point. Vegetius, in the Epitoma rei militaris, probably quoting a third-century source, says that the first cohort was twice as large as each of the other cohorts, but he disagrees with himself over the number of men in the cohort. At one stage (II, 6) he states that the first cohort had 1,105 pedites and 132 equites and was called a cohors miliaria, compared to the 555 pedites and sixty-six equites of each of the other nine cohorts, cohortes quingenariae. But two paragraphs later (II, 8) this number has been reduced to 1,000. This is made up of 400 men in the first century, 200 in the second, 150 in the third and fourth and 100 in the fifth. Although none of Vegetius' figures is to be trusted, his basic point remains—the first cohort of a legion was double in size. This is supported by epigraphic evidence. III, 6178, dated to about A.D. 134, lists, by cohort, the soldiers of legio V Macedonica discharged at one time. The first cohort contains at least forty names, the second seventeen, the third at least fourteen, the fourth at least ten and the ninth at least twelve. A similar situation is found on III, 14507, a laterculus, which is a dedication by veterans of VII Claudia discharged in 195. In this case the first cohort discharged forty-seven men, the second twenty-two and the third eighteen. These two inscriptions point to the fact that the first cohort was about twice as large as each of the other nine. Excavations at Inchtuthil have provided the most eloquent testimony. Here the barracks of the first cohort, ten in number, compared to the six of each of the other nine cohorts, have been revealed, in association with five large centurions' houses, situated next to the headquarters building. This is where it is placed by ‘Hyginus’ in the liber de munitionibus castrorum (3; 4), probably dated to the sole reign of Marcus Aurelius.


1829 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 279-286 ◽  

Our communications to the Royal Society, as printed in the Phil, Trans. for 1808 and 1809, detailed the effects produced when the human subject or a guinea-pig respired, either atmospheric air alone, or pure oxygen, or a mixture of hydrogen and oxygen. We thought it would render the subject more com­plete if we extended our inquiries to the respiration of birds, and accordingly made several experiments with pigeons in the same apparatus that we employed for the guinea-pig. The apparatus is engraved and described in the Phil. Trans. for 1809, page 429. First experiment with atmospheric air. A pigeon was placed in the intermediate glass vessel, in 62 inches of air on the mahogany stand over quicksilver, between the two gasometers communi­cating with the vessel in which the pigeon was confined. One of the gaso­meters was empty, but connected by tubes and stop cocks with the quicksilver bath, and also with the intermediate vessel; the other contained the air for the supply of the pigeon. The barom. being 30.130, the therm. 54°, during 69 mi­nutes, at intervals of four or five minutes, 35 cubic inches at a time of com­mon air were slowly passed through the vessel in which the bird was con­fined; the other gasometer of course received what was pushed off, the quan­tity was noticed by its register, and a portion was received by a bottle in the quicksilver bath for examination; in this way 525 cubic inches of common air were supplied, to which the 62 cubic inches in the intermediate glass vessel being added, made a total of 587 cubic inches in which the pigeon had respired for 69 minutes. The registers of both gasometers agreed throughout to a very trifle, which confirmed our former observations, that there is no change in the volume of atmospheric air when respired under natural circumstances.


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