scholarly journals XXII. On the respiration of birds

1829 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 279-286 ◽  

Our communications to the Royal Society, as printed in the Phil, Trans. for 1808 and 1809, detailed the effects produced when the human subject or a guinea-pig respired, either atmospheric air alone, or pure oxygen, or a mixture of hydrogen and oxygen. We thought it would render the subject more com­plete if we extended our inquiries to the respiration of birds, and accordingly made several experiments with pigeons in the same apparatus that we employed for the guinea-pig. The apparatus is engraved and described in the Phil. Trans. for 1809, page 429. First experiment with atmospheric air. A pigeon was placed in the intermediate glass vessel, in 62 inches of air on the mahogany stand over quicksilver, between the two gasometers communi­cating with the vessel in which the pigeon was confined. One of the gaso­meters was empty, but connected by tubes and stop cocks with the quicksilver bath, and also with the intermediate vessel; the other contained the air for the supply of the pigeon. The barom. being 30.130, the therm. 54°, during 69 mi­nutes, at intervals of four or five minutes, 35 cubic inches at a time of com­mon air were slowly passed through the vessel in which the bird was con­fined; the other gasometer of course received what was pushed off, the quan­tity was noticed by its register, and a portion was received by a bottle in the quicksilver bath for examination; in this way 525 cubic inches of common air were supplied, to which the 62 cubic inches in the intermediate glass vessel being added, made a total of 587 cubic inches in which the pigeon had respired for 69 minutes. The registers of both gasometers agreed throughout to a very trifle, which confirmed our former observations, that there is no change in the volume of atmospheric air when respired under natural circumstances.

The inquiries of the authors on human respiration, and on that of the guinea pig, and of which they communicated the details to the Royal Society in former papers, are here extended to the respiration of birds. Pigeons were the subjects of these experiments, and the same apparatus was employed as the one used for the guinea pig, described in the Philosophical Transactions for 1809. The object of the first experiment was to ascertain the changes which take place in atmospheric air when breathed by a bird in the most natural manner. For this purpose a pigeon was placed in a glass vessel containing 62 cubic inches of air, and commuuicating with two gasometers, one of which supplied from time to time fresh quantities of air, and the other received portions which become vitiated by respiration. The experiment lasted 69 minutes, and was produc­tive of no injury to the bird excepting a slight appearance of uneasiness whenever the supply of air was not sufficiently rapid. On ex­amining the air at the end of the experiment, no alteration had taken place either in the total volume of air, or in the proportion of azotewhich it contained; the only perceptible change being the substitu­tion of a certain quantity of carbonic acid for an equal volume of oxygen gas, amounting to about half a cubic inch per minute, and being equivalent to the addition of 96 grains of carbon in 24 hours.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095269512098224
Author(s):  
Chakravarthi Ram-Prasad

The Caraka Saṃhitā (ca. first century BCE–third century CE), the first classical Indian medical compendium, covers a wide variety of pharmacological and therapeutic treatment, while also sketching out a philosophical anthropology of the human subject who is the patient of the physicians for whom this text was composed. In this article, I outline some of the relevant aspects of this anthropology – in particular, its understanding of ‘mind’ and other elements that constitute the subject – before exploring two ways in which it approaches ‘psychiatric’ disorder: one as ‘mental illness’ ( mānasa-roga), the other as ‘madness’ ( unmāda). I focus on two aspects of this approach. One concerns the moral relationship between the virtuous and the well life, or the moral and the medical dimensions of a patient’s subjectivity. The other is about the phenomenological relationship between the patient and the ecology within which the patient’s disturbance occurs. The aetiology of and responses to such disturbances helps us think more carefully about the very contours of subjectivity, about who we are and how we should understand ourselves. I locate this interpretation within a larger programme on the interpretation of the whole human being, which I have elsewhere called ‘ecological phenomenology’.


1809 ◽  
Vol 99 ◽  
pp. 146-147

Sir, According to your request, I send you an account of the facts I have ascertained, respecting a canal I discovered in the year 1803, in the medulla spinalis of the horse, bullock, sheep, hog, and dog; and should it appear to you deserving of being laid before the Royal Society, I shall feel myself particularly obliged, by having so great an honour conferred upon me. Upon tracing the sixth ventricle of the brain, which corresponds to the fourth in the human subject, to its apparent termination, the calamus scriptorius, I perceived the appearance of a canal, continuing by a direct course into the centre of the spinal marrow. To ascertain with accuracy whether such structure existed throughout its whole length, I made sections of the spinal marrow at different distances from the brain, and found that each divided portion exhibited an orifice with a diameter sufficient to admit a large sized pin; from which a small quantity of transparent colourless fluid issued, like that contained in the ventricles of the brain. The canal is lined by a membrane resembling the tunica arachnoidea, and is situated above the fissure of the medulla, being separated by a medullary layer: it is most easily distinguished where the large nerves are given off in the bend of the neck and sacrum, imperceptibly terminating in the cauda equina. Having satisfactorily ascertained its existence through the whole length of the spinal marrow, my next object was to discover whether it was a continued tube from one extremity to the other: this was most decidedly proved, by dividing the spinal marrow through the middle, and pouring mercury into the orifice where the canal was cut across, it passed in a small stream, with equal facility towards the brain (into which it entered), or in a contrary direction to where the spinal marrow terminates.


1832 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 539-574 ◽  

I have for some time entertained an opinion, in common with some others who have turned their attention tot he subject, that a good series of observations with a Water-Barometer, accurately constructed, might throw some light upon several important points of physical science: amongst others, upon the tides of the atmosphere; the horary oscillations of the counterpoising column; the ascending and descending rate of its greater oscillations; and the tension of vapour at different atmospheric temperatures. I have sought in vain in various scientific works, and in the Transactions of Philosophical Societies, for the record of any such observations, or for a description of an instrument calculated to afford the required information with anything approaching to precision. In the first volume of the History of the French Academy of Sciences, a cursory reference is made, in the following words, to some experiments of M. Mariotte upon the subject, of which no particulars appear to have been preserved. “Le même M. Mariotte fit aussi à l’observatoire des experiences sur le baromètre ordinaire à mercure comparé au baromètre à eau. Dans l’un le mercure s’eléva à 28 polices, et dans Fautre l’eau fut a 31 pieds Cequi donne le rapport du mercure à l’eau de 13½ à 1.” Histoire de I'Acadérmie, tom. i. p. 234. It also appears that Otto Guricke constructed a philosophical toy for the amusement of himself and friends, upon the principle of the water-barometer; but the column of water probably in this, as in all the other instances which I have met with, was raised by the imperfect rarefaction of the air in the tube above it, or by filling with water a metallic tube, of sufficient length, cemented to a glass one at its upper extremity, and fitted with a stop-cock at each end; so that when full the upper one might be closed and the lower opened, when the water would fall till it afforded an equipoise to the pressure of the atmo­sphere. The imperfections of such an instrument, it is quite clear, would render it totally unfit for the delicate investigations required in the present state of science; as, to render the observations of any value, it is absolutely necessary that the water should be thoroughly purged of air, by boiling, and its insinuation or reabsorption effectually guarded against. I was convinced that the only chance of securing these two necessary ends, was to form the whole length of tube of one piece of glass, and to boil the water in it, as is done with mercury in the common barometer. The practical difficulties which opposed themselves to such a construction long appeared to me insurmount­able; but I at length contrived a plan for the purpose, which, having been honoured with the approval of the late Meteorological Committee of this Society, was ordered to be carried into execution by the President and Council.


There are a number of references in the scientific literature to a burning mirror designed by Sir Isaac Newton (1). Together, they record that it was made from seven separate concave glasses, each about a foot in diameter, that Newton demonstrated its effects at several meetings of the Royal Society and that he presented it to the Society. Nonetheless, neither the earliest published list of instruments possessed by the Royal Society nor the most recent one mentions the burning mirror; the latest compiler does not even include it amongst those items, once owned, now lost. No reference to the instrument apparently survives in the Society’s main records. It is not listed by the author of the recent compendium on Newton’s life and work (2). There is, however, some contemporary information still extant (Appendix 1). Notes of the principles of its design and some of its effects are to be found in the Society’s Journal Book for 1704; some of the dimensions and the arrangement of the mirrors are given in a Lexicon published by John Harris which he donated to the Royal Society at the same meeting, 12 July 1704, at which Newton gave the Society the speculum. The last reference in the Journal Book is dated 15 November that year, when Mr Halley, the then secretary to the Society, was desired to draw up an account of the speculum and its effects (3). No such account appears to have been presented to the Royal Society. There is no reference in Newton’s published papers and letters of his chasing Halley to complete the task, nor is there any mention of it in the general references to Halley. The latter was, of course, quite accustomed to performing odd jobs for Newton; that same year he was to help the Opticks through the press. The only other contemporary reference to the burning mirror, though only hearsay evidence since Flamsteed was not present at the meeting, is in a letter the latter wrote to James Pound; this confirms that there were seven mirrors and that the aperture of each was near a foot in diameter (4). Because John Harris gave his Dictionary to the Royal Society in Newton’s presence, it is reasonable to assume that his description is accurate. As Newton would hardly have left an inaccurate one unchallenged, then, belatedly, the account desired of Mr Halley can be presented. In some respects, the delay is advantageous, since the subject of radiant heat and its effects, although already by Newton’s period an ancient one, is today rather better understood. On the other hand, some data has to be inferred, that could have been measured, and some assumptions made about Newton’s procedures and understanding that could have been checked (5).


1862 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 511-559 ◽  

In offering to the Royal Society the ensuing Supplement to my two former papers on the Law of Mortality, with subsequent remarks on invalidism, I am anxious to acknowledge that I have derived great advantage from the encouragement and persuasion of my esteemed brother-in-law, Sir Moses Montefiore, Bart., given me to endeavour to com­pile and publish some of my later observations on the subject; knowing that, though I felt flattered by the attention originally shown by scientific gentlemen to these papers, they appeared to me capable of advantageous illustrations. Therefore I may venture to hope that if this Supplement merit the attention of those interested in this branch of science, I may consider that he has added a mite further to entitle him to the good wishes of those who applaud him for his constant endeavours to promote the general interest of mankind—endeavours which he has shown to extend through Europe and Asia in the cause of humanity, and to be exercised at home in various ways, among which I notice his attention to the practice of Life, Fire, and Marine Assurance; he being the President of the Alliance British and Foreign Life and Fire Assurance Com­pany; of which I was the founding Actuary, and in which Institution, though retired from it, I feel greatly interested; it having been established about the year 1824 by the late N. M. de Rothschild, Esq., the late John Irving, Esq., the late Samuel Gurney, Esq., and Francis Baring, Esq., and himself conjointly with other gentlemen, and he being also President of the Alliance Marine Assurance Society, founded at the same time by them with him. Art. 1. In the year 1820 the Royal Society did me the honour to publish in their Transactions a paper of mine on the Analysis and Notation applicable to the valuation of Life Contingencies, in which I introduced a new and general notation, which appealed to me far more extensively useful, and more explanatory of its object, than any other notation I had met with; and in that paper I think I introduced a new manner of deal­ing with the subject, by offering an analysis, with examples of the extensive use of it, applicable to some of the most intricate questions which had up to that period met with anything like a proper solution; and showed, by selections from the treatise of Life Annuities of my late learned and much-respected friend, Francis Baily, Esq., a mode of solution of all the problems in chapter 8 of that work, depending on a particular order of survivorship; problems previously considered many years before, and presented by my late friend William Morgan, Esq., of the Equitable Society, to the Royal Society, and published in their valuable Transactions; and which had been since considered, in a learned work on Life Annuities, by my late respected friend Joshua Milne, Esq., with some ingenious notation with respect to those contingencies. But still, the solutions given to many of the problems, though there were but three lives con­cerned, were of such an intricate practical form, as to be in my opinion perfectly useless; especially on considering that it was necessary to obtain, by Tables of single and joint lives, by necessary interpolations, the required data; as the differences to be used for the interpolations, in consequence of the great irregularity of the numbers of those Tables, are so irregular as to throw great doubt on the necessary accuracy of the results. And I think the examples I gave of my method could leave no doubt as to the comparative simplicity which resulted from it, and consequently comparative utility of my analysis; an analysis which applies where there are more than three lives concerned, and, in fact, where there are any number of lives to be considered. And I may refer the reader to my solutions in that tract, to enable him to make the com­parison.


1856 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 466-475

In the year 1847, the author of this paper made numerous experiments for the purpose of ascertaining what are the conditions under which atmospheric air is placed with regard to motion or rest, when within a vertical tube having one extremity communicating within the interior of a building, and the other in the open atmosphere. The paper now submitted to the Royal Society contains the results of investigations undertaken in the year 1853 and continued to the present time, to ascertain whether the ordinary state of atmospheric air contained in a vertical cylindrical tube, open at both ends, and placed in the still atmosphere of a closed room, is one of rest or of motion; and if of motion, to investigate the influences of certain changes in the condition of the atmosphere which either produce, promote, retard, or arrest the movement.


1872 ◽  
Vol 162 ◽  
pp. 283-318 ◽  

In the last memoir which I laid before the Royal Society I described a number of forms of Lepidodendroid plants from the Coal-measures, without making any material attempt to ascertain the relationship which they bore to each other. I now propose to carry the subject somewhat further, and to show that some of these apparently varied forms of Lycopodiaceæ merely represent identical or closely allied plants in different stages of their growth. The discovery of some remarkable beds in Burntisland, by George Grieve, Esq., and his persistent kindness in supplying me abundantly with the raw material upon which I could work, have enabled me to do this in a manner, at least, satisfactory to myself. Upon the geology of these remarkable beds I will not now enter, beyond saying that they appear to have been patches of peat belonging to the lower Burdiehouse series, which are now imbedded in masses of volcanic amygdaloid. The stratum, where unaltered by contact with the lava, is little more than a mass of vegetable fragments, the minute structure of most of which is exquisitely preserved. The more perfect remains that are capable of being identified belong to but few types. The most abundant of these are the young twigs of a Lepidodendron , portions of the stem of a Diploxylon , stems of a remarkable Lycopodiaceous plant belonging to my new genus Dictyoxylon (but which, for reasons to be stated in a future memoir, I propose to unite with Corda’s genus Heterangium , under the name of H. Grievii ), and fragments of Stigmaria-ficoides . Along with these occur, but more rarely, several other curious Lycopodiaceous and Fern stems, and those of an articulated plant, which I believe to be an Asterophyllites ; also some true Lepidostrobous fruits and myriads of caudate macrospores belonging to the Lepidostrobi . The first point to be noted is that all the Lepidodendroid branches are young twigs. No one example of a large stem has been found presenting exactly the same structure as these small branches, which, as already stated, are so abundant. On the other hand, all the Diploxylons are large branches or matured stems. These facts at once suggested the inquiry whether the two plants referred to might not be complementary to each other. A careful and very extended study of a large number of specimens has convinced me that such is the case. I have made more than a hundred sections of the two forms, and the result has been a remarkably clear testimony that the Lepidodendra are the twigs and young branches of the Diploxylon -stems. I am also led to the conclusion that the Lepidostrbi , with their peculiar macrospores and microspores, belong to the same plant. I will examine each of these forms in detail.


1868 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 44-59

The experiments recorded in this paper are intended to complete the inquiry into the effect of rest and exercise on the elimination of nitrogen recorded in the Proceedings of the Royal Society (No. 89, 1867). The experiments were made on two soldiers at the Royal Victoria Hospital at Netley. One of them (S.) was the subject of the former experiments, the other man (B.) was a fresh man. B. is a perfectly healthy temperate man, aged 22½ years, 5 feet 9¼ inches in height, and weighing 140 lbs.


1812 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 238-246 ◽  

The experiments, which form the subject of the following pages, are intended as supplementary to a more extensive series, which the Royal Society did me the honour to insert in their Transactions for the year 1800. Of the general accu­racy of those experiments, I have since had no reason to doubt; and their results, indeed, are coincident with those of subsequent writers of the highest authority in chemistry. My attention has been again drawn to the subject by the impor­tant controversy which has lately been carried on between Mr. Murray and Mr. John Davy respecting the nature of mu­riatic and oxymuriatic acids; and I have been induced, by some hints which the discussion has suggested, not only to repeat the principal experiments described in my memoir, but to institute others, with the advantage of a more perfect appa­ratus than I then possessed, and of greater experience in the management of these delicate processes. This repetition of my former labours has discovered to me an instance, in which I have failed in drawing the proper con­clusion from facts. In two comparative experiments on the electrization of equal quantities of muriatic acid gas, the one of which was dried by muriate of lime, and the other was in its natural state, I found a difference of not more than one percent , in the hydrogen evolved, relatively to the original bulk of the gas. Yet, notwithstanding these results, I have expressed myself inclined to believe that some water is abstracted by that deliquescent salt; and this belief was confirmed, seve­ral years afterwards, by the event of an experiment in which muriatic acid gas, dried by muriate of lime, gave only 1/35 its bulk of hydrogen, a proportion much below the usual ave­rage. The question, however, was too interesting to be left in any degree of uncertainty; and I have, therefore, made several fresh experiments with the view to its decision. In the course of these I have found, that though differences in the results are produced by causes apparently trivial, some of which I shall afterwards point out, yet that under equal circumstances, precisely the same relative proportion of hy­drogene gas is obtained from muriatic acid gas, whether ex­posed or not to muriate of lime; and that its greatest amount does not exceed 1/16 or 1/14 the original volume of the acid gas.


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