Change from Within: Reforming Trade Union Coverage and Structure

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Kollmorgen ◽  
Richard Naughton

The federal government has demonstrated that it supports moves to rationalize trade union structure by enacting legislation which allocates the parties in the industrial relations process different roles in transforming union coverage of workers and workplaces. The power to rewrite union eligibility rules under section 118A of the Industrial Relations Act 1988 provides the Australian Industrial Relations Commission with a direct role in the restructuring process, while the more permissive path towards trade union amalgamations now endorsed by the legislation allows the union movement itself an opportunity to hasten the reform process. The authors contend that the government has chosen to adopt a compromise model of reform by seeking to achieve change from within the existing centralized system. The paper analyzes the different legislative mechanisms, both to identify the capacity for change that currently exists within the Industrial Relations Act, and to assess whether they provide a suitable response to the challenges presently confronting the Australian industrial relations system.

1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Douglas

The trade union movement in New Zealand has had its fundamental right to bargain with its employees denied it since the last award round in 1981/82. In the time that has elapsed since awards were last negotiated the National Government attempted to radically alter the total environment within which wage negotiations were to be conducted. In the first instance legislation was introduced which removed the unqualified preference clauae from the Industrial Relations Act. Secondly, the National Government sought to reform the wage fixing system in a manner which would effectively see to it that economic conditions took precedence over wage equity in deciding rates of remuneration. Thirdly, the National Government canvassed the concept of changes to existing rules of union coverage so as to make possible the emergence of enterprise based unions and consequentially the development of enterprise based bargaining.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Anderson ◽  
Thomas Brauns

<em>The Liberal National Party (‘LNP’) won 78 out of a possible 89 seats in Queensland’s 2012 state election. Facing a budget blowout, the new Government soon used its control of the state’s unicameral parliament to implement a contentious public sector reform agenda. The LNP’s amendments to Queensland’s employment laws struck at the very heart of many of the accepted ‘ground rules’ of industrial relations. Perhaps most signif-icantly, the Government used its parliamentary majority to remove job security commit-ments given to public servants, paving the way for the loss of thousands of jobs. This paper sets out the key industrial relations reforms adopted by the LNP. The authors dis-cuss the Government’s rationale for the changes, and the reaction from Queensland’s trade union movement. The article concludes with some general observations about the changes adopted during the LNP’s term of Government; a period which will undoubtedly be remembered as a controversial part of Queensland’s industrial relations history.</em>


Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Parku ◽  
Yvonne Ayerki Lamptey

The practice of trade union pluralism at an enterprise level is seen as problematic for both the management of enterprises and the trade union movement. The problems arise from inter-union rivalries, competition and disputes over demarcations of privileges and rights. This article explores the practice of trade union pluralism at the enterprise level in Ghana with the aim of creating awareness of the effect of the practice on the general trade union movement. This qualitative study employed a cross-sectional design and used purposive and snowball sampling methods in selecting the participants. The data was analysed thematically. The findings from the study show that union pluralism is stimulating the decline in general union membership, the breakaway of local unions from the federations, and employers’ classification of workers based on their qualifications once they are employed by organisations, and their assignment to specific unions (automatic membership at enterprise level). It is suggested that employment laws encourage union breakaways, which weakens the unions especially at the enterprise level. It is recommended that the state, labour officials and policy-makers should enforce labour laws, especially regarding freedom of association, and consider revisiting or amending some labour laws to curb their abuse. The government and labour institutions need to work together to operationalise the implementation of legal provisions on freedom of association or consider amending the provisions to curb the existing abuse.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-257
Author(s):  
Denis Gregory

‘Partnership’ is a word that crops up with increasing frequency in government, trade union and management circles in the UK. For many it neatly embodies both the practice and sentiment of the so-called ‘third way’. In the workplace, a partnership approach to industrial relations has been offered as a neo-pluralist alternative to the unitarism of Human Resources Management. The Trades Union Congress (TUC) is an active proponent of partnership and the government has created a fund to support the development of partnership at the workplace. This article sketches some theoretical underpinning for the practice of partnership. To shed some light on the prospects for partnership it draws on recent UK experience and includes a case study of the development of a partnership between UNISON, the UK’s largest trade union, and Vertex Data Sciences, one of the fastest growing call centre operators in the UK.


2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.


1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-344
Author(s):  
Les Cupper

The future of Australia's first and only trade union health clinic is in doubt. The clinic, established by the Australasian Meat Industry Employees' Union (Victorian Branch) in 1964, has undergone significant changes in function over time and may be purchased by an organization independent of the Meatworkers' Union. If this occurs future development could take the form of a community health centre or a health maintenance organization. The purpose of this paper, however, is not to predict the likely future of the clinic but to document its origins, objectives and development, and to examine the A.M.I.E.U.'s performance in one of the more controversial aspects of the labour movement—involvement in business enterprises. Specifically, the reader's attention is directed to the union's role as an employer, the venture's standing within the union movement and its impact on the Meatworkers' Union. 1. Other examples of this philosophy include attempts in the 1920s to establish union butchers' shops and schemes to provide for the supply, handling and sale of meat independent of middlemen. More recent activities centre upon organizing cultural programmes—art, ballet and the theatre—particularly for children who, in very many cases, would not otherwise have had such opportunities. For a coverage of these activities see A. E. Davies, The Meatworkers Unite, Union Printing, Annandale, N.S.W., 1974. 2. A.M.I.E.U. publication, The Trade Union Clinic and Research Centre, Industrial Printing Co., Melbourne (undated). 3. Report of the Medical Director, 2nd Annual General Meeting of the T.U.C.R.C. Ltd., May 2, 1966, p. 1. This study, commissioned by the Department of Labour and Immigration, will also recommend safety procedures for the prevention of such injuries and, more interestingly, the most suitable means of educating migrant workers on aspects of safety. The Clinic is likely to be purchased by the Trade Union Clinic and Research Centre Ltd.—the company which presently leases and manages the venture. To allow the sale to be negotiated A.M.I.E.U. officials no longer sit on the Board of Management as representatives of the Union. The Union has also undertaken not to exercise any residual legal rights in respect of control of the company for six months from November 11, 1974. The Board has since extended the range of its representation to include community and consumer interests. The Board's former structure is outlined later in this paper. 5. Report of the Administrator, 9th Annual General Meeting of the T.U.C.R.C. Ltd., October 15, 1974, p. 9. 7. For elaboration see Les Cupper, "The A.C.T.U. Economic Eenterprises", The Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 16, No. 2, June, 1974, pp. 114-126; D. K. Round, "The A.C.T.U. Economic Enterprises—A Comment", The Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 17, No. 1, March, 1975, pp. 90-93; Les Cupper, "The A.C.T.U. Economic Enterprises—A Reply", The Journal of Industrial Relations. Vol. 17, No. 3, September, 1975, pp. 311-316; D. K. Round, "The A.C.T.U. Economic Enterprises—A Further Comment", The Journal of Industrial Relatians, Vol. 17, No. 3, September, 1975, pp. 317-320. 8. These conditions were provided without undue pressure from the Hospita Employees' Federation. 9. The Administrator's Report, Annual General Meeting of the T.U.C.R.C. Ltd., June 20, 1972. 10. Ibid. 11. This is not to imply that settlement should have been an easy task. Indeed, the fact that a union was involved as the employer provided the striking employees with an additional bargaining tactic, that being the ability to embarrass the union movement by their action. 12. Tribune, July 28, 1971, p. 4. 13. The A.C.T.U.'s decision to enter the business world was also accompanied by a fear that a pre-occupation with economic activity would encourage a disproportionate allocation of resources away from its "traditional" interest. See Cupper (June, 1974), op. cit., pp. 125-126. 14. Allegations that the Clinic was "in the pay of the insurance companies" regarding compensation claims, and comments such as "the Clinic isn't any cheaper than doctors" and "It's only any good if you live around Footscray" are representative of the spasmodic grievances aired by members. 15. It is recognized that such an assessment is extremely subjective, based as it is on an examination of union records and discussions with union officials. A more thorough assessment of the impact of the venture on the union would require a survey of the members' attitudes and a comparison of the conditions of employment in the Victorian Meat Industry with those existing in other States. 16. In 1973 the union provided S190,000 to allow extensions to be undertaken. It is of note that the problem of the health service outgrowing a union's financial capacities (or desires) is not confined to the Australian experience. For example, the United Auto-workers Union of America faced a similar dilemma with their major group practice hospital medical plan in Detroit. This plan operated a 130-bed hospital and five Community Clinics. In December, 1973, the plan's membership reached 70,000 and the U.A.W. decided to turn the operation over to an agency in preference to spending a great deal more money to expand its operations. 17. For an account of the experiences of some American union enterprises, see D. C. Box and J. T. Dunlop, Labor and the American Community, Simon and Schuster, N.Y., 1970, Ch. 13.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Lovén Seldén

This article addresses recent developments in the debate on a European minimum wage and tries to shed light on the Swedish standpoint, which from a European perspective might be difficult to comprehend. The article argues that even though the ETUC secretariat has tried to find a balance among the member organisations regarding the EU initiative on a fair minimum wage, it is far from enough from a Swedish and Nordic perspective. Issues such as how to approach collective bargaining, how to think about minimum wages and the role of the government in industrial relations cause problems when unions that operate in relatively diverse institutional contexts try to cooperate. It is therefore likely that the EU minimum wage will continue to be at the core of European trade union discussions in the coming years. At the same time, institutional differences between countries are not the only factors determining union cooperation in Europe. Contextual factors also matter.


2005 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Pauline Stanton ◽  
Tim Bartram

WHILE MANY COMMENTATORS are describing the Federal Government?s industrial relations reform package as radical or even revolutionary there is very little in it that is a complete surprise. Further reduction in the power of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC), greater simplification in the making of awards and agreements, an increase in anti-trade union legislation, and weakening of unfair dismissal provisions have been on the government?s wish list for some time. The move to a national industrial relations system has also been on the government?s agenda. The impact of these developments on the health industry is difficult to predict beyond saying that it appears to be a recipe for conflict and division. However, our main focus is not to discuss the detail and merits of the proposed changes but instead to ask whether these policies in any way address the major workforce issues facing the Australian health care sector in the twenty first century.


Several historical, sociocultural, and political dimensions have shaped the development and the discourse and practice of the trade union movement. The characteristics of “traditional” trade union discourse and practice are explored, providing a contextual understanding for the contest, challenge, and change evidenced by the process of translation into the MOU actor network. There are several implications for the “identity,” “relational,” and “ideational” aspects of trade union discourse and industrial relations practice by convergence with the MOU actor network. However, while relationships within the black box of network interaction affords the union movement prominence and access to the powerful halls of leadership and governance, the union constituency becomes contested in acceding to discoursal change and practice resulting in “boxing and dancing” within the new context of diminished adversarialism.


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