scholarly journals How protest voters choose

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Birch ◽  
James Dennison
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Complex Phenomenon ◽  
Campaign Effects ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Knee Jerk ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Protest Voters

Political scientists have identified protest voting – voting for an anti-establishment party as a protest against mainstream politics – as a consequence of dissatisfaction with traditional political options. Yet we know little about what motivates people to cast a protest vote or why voters select one such protest option over another. Taking as its empirical referent the 2015 General Election in Great Britain, this article assesses the ‘protest choice’ in parliamentary democracies. We test three possible theoretical explanations for protest voting: ideology, mistrust of political elites and campaign effects. We find that the most important factors affecting protest choice are issue positions and campaign effects. The findings suggest that protest voting is a complex phenomenon that cannot be reduced to knee-jerk anti-politics reactions.

Factors Affecting the Prices of Livestock in Great Britain.

1932 ◽  
Vol 27 (179) ◽  
pp. 338
Author(s):  
Mordecai Ezekiel ◽  
K. A. H. Murray
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Factors Affecting

Extreme districts, moderate winners: Same-party challenges, and deterrence in top-two primaries

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Jesse Crosson
Keyword(s):  
Diagnostic Test ◽  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
General Election ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Election System

Abstract In an effort to break the link between districts' lack of competitiveness and the election of ideologues, Washington and California recently adopted the “top-two” primary election system. Among other features, the top-two primary allows members of the same party to run against one another in the general election. Although proponents argue that this system encourages the election of more moderate candidates in highly partisan districts, early reports have uncovered mixed evidence of this effect. This study addresses this puzzle by first disentangling the conditions under which one should expect such primaries to encourage the election of more moderate candidates. Using election returns data from the 2008 through 2014 elections, I find that districts facing same-party general-election competition do elect more moderate legislators than similar districts not subject to same-party competition. However, using an application of a common regression discontinuity diagnostic test, I also find that elite actors appear able to strategically avoid this kind of competition—partially explaining why broader effects of the top-two have not been uncovered. The findings contribute not only to ongoing debates about the effectiveness of the top-two primary, but also to our understanding of how political elites may maneuver institutional changes to their own benefit.

The Funding of Constituency Party General Election Campaigns in Great Britain

1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
R J Johnston ◽  
I MacAllister ◽  
C J Pattie
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
General Election ◽  
Election Campaigns

The origins of the Ulster unionist party, 1885–6

1961 ◽  
Vol 12 (47) ◽  
pp. 185-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.C. Savage
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
The Government

The years 1885–6 were years of political confusion in Great Britain and Ireland. No less than four governments were in office from the spring of 1885 to the summer of 1886. Gladstone's government, beset by ministerial quarrels, fell on 9 June 1885, and was succeeded by the caretaker government of Lord Salisbury. The general election of December prolonged this political instability. The liberals were returned but with a majority of only two over the other parties. Salisbury remained in power until 27 January 1886 when he was defeated in the house. Gladstone, already a convert to some form of home rule for Ireland, formed a cabinet and drew up two bills, the Government of Ireland Bill and the Land Purchase (Ireland) Bill. The former was introduced on 8 April and exactly two months later was defeated owing to the desertion of ninety-three liberal members. In the subsequent general election the conservatives and liberal unionists routed the Gladstonian forces.

An economic appraisal of pig improvement in Great Britain 2. Factors affecting estimated benefits

1982 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Smith ◽  
A. Gibson ◽  
G. Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Production Systems ◽  
Carcass Traits ◽  
Correlated Traits ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Economic Appraisal ◽  
Farm Performance

ABSTRACTIn a previous paper, pig improvement in Great Britain was assessed for the value of genetic improvements in growth-carcass traits. The benefits are substantial, estimated at €100 × 10 per year. Here, several factors that possibly affect these estimated benefits are examined. These include: 1. comparisons in production systems optimal to improved and to unimproved stocks; 2. interaction of station and farm performance; 3. changes in correlated traits, especially sow weight; and 4. uncertainty about future husbandry and marketing needs.The conclusion is that, despite appreciable documentation and evaluation, and although the overall benefits are certainly large, there is room for uncertainty about the actual value of past pig improvement work in Great Britain.

Is the Seesaw Tipping Back? The End of Thatcherism and Changing Voting Patterns in Great Britain 1979–92

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (10) ◽  
pp. 1491-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
R J Johnston ◽  
C J Pattie
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Electoral Geography ◽  
Economic Success ◽  
Spatially Varying ◽  
New Geography

Accounts of British voting behaviour in the 1980s stressed the development of growing spatial divides within the country, especially a north-south divide which reflected economic success in the increasingly Conservative-dominated south and depression in the Labour-supporting north. A new geography of recession was emerging in the early 1990s, however, and the first general election since (in April 1992) suggests that the period of divergence has ended, to be replaced by convergence in the electoral geography of Britain though at spatially varying rates and at a pace insufficient to close the political divides entirely and lead to the government's demise.

Greece's Experiment with Proportional Representation

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Military

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.

Expectations and Preferences in British General Elections

1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Nadeau ◽  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Timothy Amato
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
General Election ◽  
Bandwagon Effect ◽  
Expectations Formation ◽  
Before And After ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Rapid Adjustment ◽  
Economic Expectations ◽  
Using Data

We address two questions: How do people form their expectations about the likely winner of the next general election? and What are the links between expectations and votes? Using data collected by the Gallup organization in Great Britain, we find that the expectations formation process (1) has a significant inertia component but also a rapid adjustment to current information; (2) reflects voters' ability to translate economic expectations into political forecasts; and (3) is “time-bounded,” possessing special characteristics immediately before and after a general election. The analysis also confirms the existence of a small bandwagon effect, whereby expectations that one party will win inflate that party's vote. The ability of voters to make reasonable forecasts without being unduly influenced by their own preferences suggests that under normal circumstances voters are expressing real preferences and not simply following the crowd.

Rules of Ministerial Recruitment

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 618-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Annesley
Keyword(s):  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
System Level ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Politics And Gender

Ministerial office represents the pinnacle of political power. Quite rightly, politics and gender and comparative scholarship is paying increasing attention to women's access to political executives (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005; Krook and O'Brien 2012; Reynolds 1999; Siaroff 2000; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007). These studies develop and test a range of hypotheses relating to the demographic, socioeconomic, political cultural, or political institutional factors at state or system level deemed to shape women's access to political executive office. The conclusions primarily emphasize relatively general correlations between women's ministerial representation and a nation's familiarity with women in positions of power (Reynolds 1999), the prevalence of “egalitarian societies” and “leftist values” (Siaroff 2000), or international pressure and regional contagion (Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005). Studies that address the importance of political institutional factors affecting the supply and demand of female government ministers highlight the different procedures for appointing ministers in presidential versus parliamentary democracies (Reynolds 1999; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007) or the generalist versus specialist recruitment traditions of ministerial recruitment in parliamentary democracies (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Siaroff 2000). All studies flag the significance of the numerical presence of women in parliament, and some, the way the electoral system or gender quotas influence women's access to parliament (Claveria 2014; Krook and O'Brien 2012).

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