Mood work and political spaces: A consideration of the relationship between affect and political collectivity in grassroots urban activism

2020 ◽  
pp. 136754942091989
Author(s):  
Jacob Mukherjee

This essay, based on a ‘militant ethnography’ of the small radical grassroots activist group Our London,1 outlines the importance of mood in developing political collectivity in oppositional politics. Applying Gilbert’s notion of affect as key to sociality, Highmore’s discussion of mood and mood work and Dean’s concept of affective infrastructure, I develop an account of Our London’s activities, and in particular its organisation of public events, that argues for the production of mood in political spaces as key to mobilising political collectivity. The significance of this work is in showing how oppositional political practices, as opposed to mere rhetoric or discourse, can develop forms of political collectivity and action; this is also a study of how forms of class politics can be performed and practised despite the difficulty of articulating such politics discursively – or even conceptualising society in class terms – in the context of a fragmented, neoliberal, post-Fordist city like London.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Sevinç Alkan Özcan ◽  
Muhammed Hüzeyin Mercan

Regulations, measures and restrictions implemented by state authorities on public events and mass gatherings due to fear, anxiety, and panic caused by COVID-19 pandemic have made religious field more open to state intervention since the global pandemic started and religious practices underwent radical changes. Governments’ public health measures concerning the places of mass worship and religious gatherings to stop the spread of the pandemic and the reactions of religious groups against their orders and imposed restrictions emerged as a new dimension of the debates on state-religion and state-individual relations. In this regard, the main purpose of the study is to discuss the new global religious trends that emerged with the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic, which reshapes state-religion relations through the regulations and measure for containing the virus, in light of the experiences in different regions and religious traditions, and to analyze the relationship between the religion and the state in the Middle East, specifically the cases of Israel and Iran as religious character is dominant and orthodox religious groups play a significant role within the social and political structure in both countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-86
Author(s):  
Dominika Tronina

AbstractMuch has been written about the increasing influence of the Catholic Church in post-socialist Poland and its role in shaping the Polish national identity. As a result, the ways in which many Polish radical right groups have built their ideologies on Catholicism has also been studied. However, despite evidence of personal contact between clergymen and radical right figures over the past few decades, little is known about the intensity of these relationships and the advantages that right-wing groups might obtain from association with churches. This study aims to contribute to filling this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between churches and clergymen with the radical right in Poland by performing a case study of the group Młodzież Wszechpolska (MW, All-Polish Youth). By drawing on Social movement theory and borrowing from methods such as social network and protest event analysis, the paper uses joint events as an indicator of links and analyzes Facebook announcements posted by MW. The detected events (N = 170) primarily centered around cultural or historical issues and indicated that MW benefited from material resources and personal relationships facilitated by churches. Collaboration manifested not only as religious action but also in the involvement of clergymen as discussion participants at public events and churches as venues where MW could hold meetings. Therefore, churches can be used as a base for spreading ideology and approaching potential supporters. In addition, the presence of ecclesiastical actors can function as a legitimizing factor for increasing acceptance of MW and, ultimately, deradicalizing the group’s image.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Tassia Tabille Steglich

O orçamento público é um dos instrumentos utilizados pela Administração Pública para garantir o atendimento das demandas sociais. Entretanto, para que estas demandas sejam conhecidas do Poder Público, torna-se necessária a participação da sociedade nos eventos públicos destinados à discussão para elaboração dos instrumentos orçamentários. Este artigo realiza um apanhado teórico sobre conceitos pertinentes ao tema, realizando inclusive o estudo da participação social na elaboração do PPA 2014-2017 do Município de Ijuí, Rio Grande do Sul. Para enriquecer a abordagem da pesquisa, foram aplicados questionários online, buscando identificar a relação entre os cidadãos ijuienses e Administração Pública municipal. Foi possível perceber a falta de interesse dos indivíduos em relação à participação em eventos destinados a discussões públicas sobre o processo de elaboração do orçamento municipal e, neste sentido, ao final deste estudo são realizadas proposições, que poderão auxiliar na construção de uma consciência coletiva acerca da relevância da participação social na construção dos instrumentos de planejamento e orçamento.Palavras-chave: Gestão Municipal. Orçamento Público. Participação Social.AbstractPublic budget is one of the instruments used by public authorities to ensure the fulfillment of social demands. However, so that such these demands are known to the government, it is necessary the society’s participation in public events in order to dialogue about thebudget instruments preparation. This article makes a theoretical overview of relevant concepts to the topic, besides carrying out the study of social participation in the PPA 2014-2017 preparation in the City of Ijuí, Rio Grande do Sul. To enrich the research approach, online questionnaires were performed in order to identify the relationship between Ijui city’s dweller citizens and public administration. It was possible to notice the lack of individuals interest regarding the= participation in events aimed at public discussions on the preparation of the municipal budget process and therefore, the end of this study makes proposals that can assist in building a collective awareness on the social participation relevance in the construction of planning and budget tools.Keywords: Municipal Management. Public Budget. Social Participation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002198941990052
Author(s):  
Asha Jeffers

David Chariandy’s lauded 2007 debut novel Soucouyant explores the way that immigrants transmit lessons, beliefs, and ways of being to their children both intentionally and unintentionally, and the ways that these transmissions can contradict one another. This article argues that while much of the critical writing about Soucouyant has foregrounded the relationship between the unnamed narrator and his dementia-suffering mother, the text is just as concerned with exploring intragenerational relationships as it is with intergenerational ones. Indeed, the text demonstrates the interweaving of both intergenerational and intragenerational relationships in a unique and compelling way. The lessons that get passed on between the generations shape the lives and interactions of second generation subjects between themselves. In particular, the relationship between the narrator and Meera, the mysterious woman who has moved in with and is taking care of his mother when he returns to her home after deserting her for several years, poses the question of how these two second generation subjects of differing class backgrounds might reconcile themselves with both their parents’ Caribbean pasts, their own Canadian presents, and uncertain futures. The novel’s subtitle, “a novel of forgetting,” signals the central role of memory and forgetting play in the novel. The immigrant parents’ desire and attempts to forget the past are not wholly successful and their second generation children are forced to first remember before they can move forward without being haunted by the traumas, silences, and anxieties of their parents. The complex racial and class politics of Trinidad and Canada lead to the narrator and Meera receiving very different legacies from their parents. However, their eventual coming together, in all its difficulty, suggests that there is hope for second generation subjects who wish to choose a different path than the one set for them by either their parents or the nation-state.


2013 ◽  
Vol 433-435 ◽  
pp. 1760-1764 ◽  
Author(s):  
Li Ma ◽  
Zhong Tian Jia ◽  
Hai Yan Sun ◽  
Chuan Yu

In the WEB2.0 environment, the report of public events will appear on the Internet as soon as they occur and attract a large number of peoples attention in a very short time. It is believed that the Internet public opinion represents the social public opinion. Hence, it is very valuable to study the relationship between the Internet public opinion and mass emergencies. In this paper, we proposed an improved effect model of the Internet public opinion spreading on mass emergencies. Different from the original model, we use variables as the parameters of the equation instead of constants and the whole mass emergency is divided into five stages. In the first two stages, the new participants proportion u(t) and the new leavers proportion v(t) holds the inequality u(t)≥v(t), and in the other stages, they hold u(t)≤v(t). Simulations show that the design of our proposed model can well fit the mass emergency development process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
Audrey Macklin

A handful of Canadian church congregations provide sanctuary to failed asylum seekers. Many also participate in resettling refugees through a government program called private sponsorship. Both sanctuary and sponsorship arise as specific modes of hospitality in response to practices of exclusion and inclusion under national migration regimes. Sanctuary engages oppositional politics, whereby providers confront and challenge state authority to exclude. Refugee sponsorship embodies a form of collaborative politics, in which sponsorship groups partner with government in settlement and integration. I demonstrate how the state’s perspective on asylum versus resettlement structures the relationship between citizen and state and between citizen and refugee. I also reveal that there is more collaboration in sanctuary and resistance in sponsorship than might be supposed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 661-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristian R. Montenegro

The relationship between activism and social research constitutes a longstanding source of debate. In the mental health and disability fields, this tension has specific connotations: User-survivor activism is premised on the priority of first-hand experience over detached, ‘objective’ knowledge. Personal experience is the foundation for the specific and irreplaceable perspective that users and survivors bring upon issues of interest. Considering this, how do user/survivor activist groups relate and collaborate with academically oriented researchers who lack a first-person encounter with psychiatry? Drawing on my participant observer role in a user-led activist group in Chile and through three ‘reflexive vignettes’, in this paper, I retrospectively trace how my interests and presence were received, negotiated and contested by users and non-users in the field. The findings describe three episodes in which my own status - and that of others participating ‘in the name of research’ - was interrogated. Although the group was open to anyone, boundaries emerged in response to specific demands from external agents interested in participating. A sense of ‘personal connection’ with the aims and nature of the group was one of those boundaries. In parallel, professional members had their own way of signalling their legitimacy, usually through a self-critical, anti-professional and anti-academic attitude. Doubts about my commitment to the group emerged as fieldwork progressed. The vignettes map the tensions that I experienced, the efforts I made to navigate them and the way they affected my disposition towards the group. The article argues that researcher’s reflexivity towards their own situation constitutes a primary source of information in the context of emergent, user-led advocacy efforts. Attention to how these groups accept and/or resist academic agendas provide insights into the solidarities and affinities that shape activist efforts. More than a pre-defined, ‘ethico-political’ disposition what’s required from researchers interested in this field is reflexivity to navigate the interface between academia and activism, honesty about the limits of academia and openness towards the contingent outcomes of an encounter with activism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedikt Boecking ◽  
Kyle Miller ◽  
Emily Kennedy ◽  
Artur Dubrawski

2020 ◽  
pp. 095935352096929
Author(s):  
Helen Spandler ◽  
Sarah Carr

This article explores the relationship between lesbian activists and the “psy professions” (especially psychology and psychiatry) in England from the 1960s to the 1980s. We draw on UK-based LGBTQIA+ archive sources and specifically magazines produced by, and for, lesbians. We use this material to identify three key strategies used within the lesbian movement to contest psycho-pathologisation during this 30-year period: from respectable collaborationist forms of activism during the 1960s; to more liberationist oppositional politics during the early 1970s; to radical feminist separatist activism in the 1980s. Whilst these strategies broadly map onto activist strategies deployed within the wider lesbian and gay movement during this time, this article explores how these politics manifested in particular ways, specifically in relation to the psy disciplines in the UK. We describe these strategies, illustrating them with examples of activism from the archives. We then use this history to problematise a linear, overly reductionist or binary history of liberation from psycho-pathologisation. Finally, we explore some complexities in the relationship between sexuality, activism and the psy professions.


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