scholarly journals Co-Production of Care During COVID-19

Contexts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-17
Author(s):  
Ditte Andersen ◽  
Sine Kirkegaard ◽  
Hjalmar Bang Carlsen ◽  
Jonas Toubøl

This feature article explores how Danish authorities have worked to secure public health in cooperation with citizens, companies, and civil society organizations amid an unfolding pandemic.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Soma Hewa

Civil society organizations are playing a vital role in capacity building at the grassroots level around the world. Rockefeller philanthropy pioneered this civic responsibility, both at home and abroad, in controlling epidemic disease and developing public health. Since its inception in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation had been involved in a wide range of public health programs in Sri Lanka (previously known as Ceylon), which was regarded as the key to the Foundation’s activities in Asia. Rockefeller philanthropy arrived in Sri Lanka during the European colonial rule in the early twentieth century and received a hostile reception from the colonial administration. The Foundation’s officials acted cautiously and listened to local citizens in developing public health strategies. Such efforts succeeded not only in combating disease and promoting health, but also achieving sustained community support. This paper is a critical inquiry of the program and its role in the development of a modern public health network in Sri Lanka.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carriedo ◽  
Adam D. Koon ◽  
Luis Manuel Encarnación ◽  
Kelley Lee ◽  
Richard Smith ◽  
...  

Abstract Background In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions – what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Mexico, Chile and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes. Methods We analysed the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identified their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax. Results Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SSB tax aims, benefits and implementation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs. Conclusion NCDs prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Melati Nungsari ◽  
Chuah Hui Yin ◽  
Nicole Fong ◽  
Veena Pillai

Background: Given the urgent need for help amongst vulnerable populations throughout the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, civil society organizations (CSOs) and members have stepped up to provide support for impacted communities. The process of responding to these urgent needs reflects the agency and resilience of civil society members in accessing or providing resources. There is still a lack of understanding of how is human agency exercised in the context of power imbalances. Such an understanding is important not only for creating an effective and inclusive aid delivery mechanisms but also improving preparedness for future public health and economic crises. Methods: This study utilizes Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory to comprehensively map the agency landscape of aid providers and marginalized populations during the first few months of the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia. Assuming that these populations’ main goals are access to aid while providers’ main goals are to provide aid, this study categorizes the different modes of agency involved and highlights environmental facilitators and constraints for each of these groups in achieving their goals. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with 34 participants. Using a hermeneutic content analysis based on a sample of 824 textual excerpts from the interviews, we explore the relationship between each component of the agency landscape to understand the relationships between them. Results: We find that marginalized populations are often unable to achieve their goals despite clear intentions to survive. Additionally, we find that proxy agency is problematic for marginalized populations and characterize why this is the case. Conclusions: Finally, we present policy recommendations which prioritise marginalized populations and their needs, while removing barriers to accessing aid.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carriedo ◽  
Adam Koon ◽  
Luis Manuel Encarnación ◽  
Kelley Lee ◽  
Richard Smith ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases. Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions – what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Chile, Mexico and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes..Methods: We analyse the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identify their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax.Results: Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SBB tax aims, benefits and instrumentation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs.Conclusion: NCD prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.


2019 ◽  
pp. 140-144
Author(s):  
Jonathan H. Marks

Industry actors understandably develop strategies of influence directed at government bodies, academic institutions, and civil society organizations. These entities have a responsibility to develop counter-strategies to insulate themselves from industry influence. They also need a plan to wean themselves off industry funding. If governments wish to exert leverage over corporations, they need distance rather than proximity. And if they are serious about trying to solve our most challenging public health problems, they must be willing to explore all potential solutions, including those inimical to the commercial interests of industry. We need a new paradigm in public health—one that avoids the ethical perils of public-private partnerships and multistakeholder initiatives. But, before we can develop an alternative paradigm, we must first acknowledge the ways in which status quo is ethically problematic.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Civil society organizations are, if not schools, at least pools of democracy. In the ‘third sector’, too, active engagement and participation ‘by the people’ have given way to meritocracy, or, in other words, to rule by the well-educated. Many popularly rooted mass organizations have witnessed a decline in membership and political influence. Their role as intermediary between politics and society has been taken over by professionally managed advocacy groups that operate with university educated public affairs consultants. First, the chapter describes the associational revolution, the enormous increase in the number of civil society organizations. Then it in analyses the education gap in membership and the shift from large membership organizations to lean professional advocacy groups, which has occurred over the past three decades. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the net effect of this meritocratization of civil society for political participation and interest representation.


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Chapter 1 defines the volume’s key terms: domestic colonization as the process of segregating idle, irrational, and/or custom-bound groups of citizens by states and civil society organizations into strictly bounded parcels of ‘empty’ rural land within their own nation state in order to engage them in agrarian labour and ‘improve’ both the land and themselves and domestic colonialism as the ideology that justifies this process, based on its economic (offsets costs) and ethical (improves people) benefits. The author examines and differentiates her own research from previous literatures on ‘internal colonialism’ and argues that her analysis challenges postcolonial scholarship in four important ways: colonization needs to be understood as a domestic as well as foreign policy; people were colonized based on class, disability, and religious belief as well as race; domestic colonialism was defended by socialists and anarchists as well as liberal thinkers; and colonialism and imperialism were quite distinct ideologies historically even if they are often difficult to distinguish in contemporary postcolonial scholarship—put simply—the former was rooted in agrarian labour and the latter in domination. This chapter concludes with a summary of the remaining chapters.


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