Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 140-144
Author(s):  
Jonathan H. Marks

Industry actors understandably develop strategies of influence directed at government bodies, academic institutions, and civil society organizations. These entities have a responsibility to develop counter-strategies to insulate themselves from industry influence. They also need a plan to wean themselves off industry funding. If governments wish to exert leverage over corporations, they need distance rather than proximity. And if they are serious about trying to solve our most challenging public health problems, they must be willing to explore all potential solutions, including those inimical to the commercial interests of industry. We need a new paradigm in public health—one that avoids the ethical perils of public-private partnerships and multistakeholder initiatives. But, before we can develop an alternative paradigm, we must first acknowledge the ways in which status quo is ethically problematic.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Soma Hewa

Civil society organizations are playing a vital role in capacity building at the grassroots level around the world. Rockefeller philanthropy pioneered this civic responsibility, both at home and abroad, in controlling epidemic disease and developing public health. Since its inception in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation had been involved in a wide range of public health programs in Sri Lanka (previously known as Ceylon), which was regarded as the key to the Foundation’s activities in Asia. Rockefeller philanthropy arrived in Sri Lanka during the European colonial rule in the early twentieth century and received a hostile reception from the colonial administration. The Foundation’s officials acted cautiously and listened to local citizens in developing public health strategies. Such efforts succeeded not only in combating disease and promoting health, but also achieving sustained community support. This paper is a critical inquiry of the program and its role in the development of a modern public health network in Sri Lanka.


Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg

This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.


Contexts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-17
Author(s):  
Ditte Andersen ◽  
Sine Kirkegaard ◽  
Hjalmar Bang Carlsen ◽  
Jonas Toubøl

This feature article explores how Danish authorities have worked to secure public health in cooperation with citizens, companies, and civil society organizations amid an unfolding pandemic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Els de Graauw ◽  
Irene Bloemraad

Supporting and investing in the integration of immigrants and their children is critically important to US society. Successful integration contributes to the nation's economic vitality, its civic and political health, and its cultural diversity. But although the United States has a good track record on immigrant integration, outcomes could be better. A national, coherent immigrant integration policy infrastructure is needed. This infrastructure can build on long-standing partnerships between civil society and US public institutions. Such partnerships, advanced under Republican- and Democratic-led administrations, were initially established to facilitate European immigrants' integration in large American cities, and later extended to help refugees fleeing religious persecution and war. In the twenty-first century, we must expand this foundation by drawing on the growing activism by cities and states, new civil society initiatives, and public-private partnerships that span the country. A robust national integration policy infrastructure must be vertically integrated to include different levels of government and horizontally applied across public and private sector actors and different types of immigrant destinations. The resultant policy should leverage public-private partnerships, drawing on the energy, ideas, and work of community-based nonprofit organizations as well as the leadership and support of philanthropy, business, education, faith-based, and other institutions. A new coordinating office to facilitate interagency cooperation is needed in the executive branch; the mandate and programs of the Office of Refugee Resettlement need to be secured and where possible expanded; the outreach and coordinating role of the Office of Citizenship needs to be extended, including through a more robust grant program to community-based organizations; and Congress needs to develop legislation and appropriate funding for a comprehensive integration policy addressed to all, and not just humanitarian immigrants. The federal investments in immigrant and refugee integration we propose are a big ask for any administration; they seem especially unlikely under the Trump administration, whose efforts focus on enforcement and border control, targeting undocumented and legal immigrants alike. Yet immigrant integration is not and should not be a partisan issue. Federal politicians across the political spectrum need to realize, as many local officials and a large segment of the public already do, that successful immigrant integration is a win-win for everybody. When immigrants have more opportunities to learn English, to improve their schooling and professional training, to start businesses, and to access citizenship, we all benefit. A majority of the American public supports immigrant integration, from proposals for learning English to a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. Local and state governments are setting up initiatives to promote integration. If the federal government will not act, cities, states, and civil society organizations must continue to work together to build an integration infrastructure from the bottom up.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carriedo ◽  
Adam D. Koon ◽  
Luis Manuel Encarnación ◽  
Kelley Lee ◽  
Richard Smith ◽  
...  

Abstract Background In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions – what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Mexico, Chile and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes. Methods We analysed the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identified their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax. Results Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SSB tax aims, benefits and implementation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs. Conclusion NCDs prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Melati Nungsari ◽  
Chuah Hui Yin ◽  
Nicole Fong ◽  
Veena Pillai

Background: Given the urgent need for help amongst vulnerable populations throughout the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, civil society organizations (CSOs) and members have stepped up to provide support for impacted communities. The process of responding to these urgent needs reflects the agency and resilience of civil society members in accessing or providing resources. There is still a lack of understanding of how is human agency exercised in the context of power imbalances. Such an understanding is important not only for creating an effective and inclusive aid delivery mechanisms but also improving preparedness for future public health and economic crises. Methods: This study utilizes Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory to comprehensively map the agency landscape of aid providers and marginalized populations during the first few months of the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia. Assuming that these populations’ main goals are access to aid while providers’ main goals are to provide aid, this study categorizes the different modes of agency involved and highlights environmental facilitators and constraints for each of these groups in achieving their goals. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with 34 participants. Using a hermeneutic content analysis based on a sample of 824 textual excerpts from the interviews, we explore the relationship between each component of the agency landscape to understand the relationships between them. Results: We find that marginalized populations are often unable to achieve their goals despite clear intentions to survive. Additionally, we find that proxy agency is problematic for marginalized populations and characterize why this is the case. Conclusions: Finally, we present policy recommendations which prioritise marginalized populations and their needs, while removing barriers to accessing aid.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-48
Author(s):  
Abdul Wahid

By the 1890s the Dutch had noticed the escalation of opium addiction in colonial Indonesia. They believed that opium consumption had brought about health problems and other negative socioeconomic effects. Yet, the profitability of opium took precedence over its negative social effects in the Dutch East Indies government's policy, which until the end of the 1920s made almost no substantial efforts to address addiction. It was nongovernmental organisations which took the initiative to install medical facilities for addicts and launch diverse anti-opium campaigns. These organisations marked the rise of modern philanthropic activism in the field of public health as part of the flourishing sociopolitical movements of that time. They also represent the nascent civil society in late colonial Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Jonathan H. Marks

Public-private partnerships (PPPs), multistakeholder initiatives (MSIs), and other close relationships with industry actors have become the paradigm in public health. Nowhere is this more evident than in the food and beverage sector. Public officials tend to downplay the ethical perils of these arrangements, and sometimes they fail to recognize them at all. The chapter explores the terminology and taxonomies of public-private partnerships and the justifications offered for these kinds of interactions. It outlines the main concerns and theoretical contributions of the book and provides a summary of the chapters to assist policymakers and other readers who wish to be more selective in their reading of the text. This book is intended to help public health officials (among others) develop comprehensive strategies to counter industry influence and pilot alternatives to PPPs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Nandini Ramanujam ◽  
Miatta Gorvie

Members of civil society are increasingly decrying what they identify as an insidious trend whereby the government is targeting organizations whose mandates run contrary to the federal government’s political and economic agendas and creating a chill around public policy and advocacy work. The media as well as civil society organizations [CSOs] themselves have documented government attempts to undermine and stifle the voices of dissenting organizations, ranging from rhetorical attacks to the withdrawal of funding for ambiguous reasons. The climate of resentment and suspicion between civil society actors and the government is detrimental for safeguarding the tradition of accountability and transparency in Canada’s democratic institutions. Amidst this turbulent environment, this paper examines the often-made claim by CSO leaders in Canada that public funding is a necessary requirement for a strong civil society, with the aim of challenging and mobilizing the civil society community to not only survive but to reinvigorate its engagement to further social justice in this changing social and economic landscape. We argue that discussions of the state of civil society in Canada focus disproportionately on the question of funding and relationship-building with the government and expose the unforeseen consequences of this trade-off for CSOs, their members, and constituent communities.  We close by introducing the potential of a new paradigm of “principled engagement” that would allow Canadian CSOs to thrive as sustainable, adaptable social justice advocates in coming years. Les membres de la société civile décrient de plus en plus ce qu’ils appellent la tendance insidieuse du gouvernement à cibler les organisations dont les mandats vont à l’encontre de ses programmes politiques et économiques et à freiner le travail de représentation et de plaidoyer lié aux politiques publiques. Tant les médias que les organisations de la société civile [OSC] ont déploré les tentatives du gouvernement de faire taire les voix d’organisations dissidentes, que ce soit par des attaques rhétoriques ou par le retrait du financement pour des raisons ambiguës. Le climat de ressentiment et de doute qui règne entre les intervenants de la société civile et le gouvernement nuit au maintien de l’imputabilité et de la transparence qui caractérisent depuis longtemps les institutions démocratiques canadiennes. Dans ce contexte de turbulence, les auteurs de ce texte  répondent aux dirigeants des OSC du Canada qui ne cessent de répéter qu’une société civile forte a besoin à tout prix de fonds publics afin de mobiliser ses intervenants et de les encourager non seulement à survivre, mais également à réitérer leur engagement à promouvoir la justice sociale dans ce climat socio-économique changeant. Nous affirmons quant à nous que la société civile du Canada accorde trop d’importance à la question du financement et de l’établissement de relations avec le gouvernement et nous évoquons l’émergence possible d’un nouveau paradigme selon lequel les OSC canadiennes pourraient s’imposer comme des représentants de la justice sociale solides et capables de s’adapter aux changements au cours des années à venir.


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