scholarly journals Tackling offensive behaviour in Scottish football: A how (not) to guide to developing criminal justice policy?

2020 ◽  
pp. 174889582091231
Author(s):  
Maureen McBride
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Knee Jerk ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Threatening Communications ◽  
Class Youth

Since 2011, the issue of ‘sectarianism’ has dominated the Scottish political agenda as well as media and public discourse. The most high-profile aspect of the Scottish Government’s response to the problem was undoubtedly the Offensive Behaviour at Football (Scotland) Act 2012. This article is based on analysis of official documentation, speeches and media coverage relating to sectarianism and the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications Act since 2011. By tracing the Act’s journey from its introduction to its repeal in 2018, it challenges notions of a policymaking process built on consensus. It also casts doubt upon the Scottish Government’s claims of a socially progressive approach to criminal justice, as the behaviours of working-class youth around football have been increasingly problematised, criminalised and regulated. I argue that the Act highlights the need for an ongoing critique of the direction of criminal justice in Scotland and demonstrates the consequences of knee-jerk responses to complex social problems, which has relevance beyond the Scottish context.

scholarly journals Creating ideal victims in hate crime policy

2018 ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Hannah Mason-Bish
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Orientation ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Hate Crime ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Solid Part ◽  
Stranger Danger

This chapter suggests that problems over the perception of the nature of hate crime mean that often victims of disablist hate crime are overlooked. Developed partly through campaign group activism and high profile cases, hate crime has become a solid part of criminal justice policy and practice. The legal framework recognises different forms of crime motivated by prejudice or hostility towards victims based on their race, religion, sexual orientation, gender identity and/or disability. However, this chapter demonstrates that there are particular problems with the implementation of provisions related to disablist hate crime which can be understood by utilising Christie’s ‘ideal victim’ typology. Born out of an identity politics which sought recognition for the specific harms of hate crime, the development of policy has been shaped by sometimes simplistic perceptions of what it is to be victimised, often framed around issues of stranger danger and attributing recognition to ‘deserving victims’. This reliance on identity politics often means that victims of disablist hate crime are portrayed as weak and vulnerable, which can contribute to anxiety. This chapter shows the relevance of Christie’s ideal victim thesis due to an increasing emphasis on identity politics being used to determine ‘deserving’ and ‘legitimate’ victims.

scholarly journals Russian Working Class Youth Media Representation: The Discourse Analysis Experience

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Gavrilyuk ◽  
Vyacheslav Malenkov
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
Class Representation ◽  
Class Youth

The objective of this research is to investigate the recent discursive turn in working class representation in the Russian media. The means of creation and translation of normative class patterns, stereotypes and political agency within Russian media have been studied using the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis. The empirical basis of the research is the textual transcripts of the key communicative events marking the working class as a political subject. The qualitative analysis allowed us to distinguish the rhetorical techniques and semiotic resources of working-class representation in the political field: thematic repertoire, format, practices which interlocutors use in addressing each other, language style and naming. It has been established that the forgotten concept of a “working class” was actualized and entrenched in the official political discourse in 2011. It was borrowed from left-wing political forces and re-assembled as one of the means of ruling class positioning in the 2011–2012 electoral cycle. Industrial working class representatives were included in public discourse as a part of the political staging, the consequences of which led to minor social changes. The populist discourse of working-class politicians as a “voice of common people” was constructed to oppose it to the protesting “creative class” threatening the main political force. The short-term political goal of power agents was to represent working-class people and youth especially as a political subject loyal to the existing regime, embedded into the current political system and ready to defend it if necessary. The nostalgic rhetorical technics were primarily used to re-launch “working class project”. Keywords: working class, working-class youth, discourse analysis, populism, political discourse

scholarly journals Interrogations of the “Chinese Dream” campaign from a critical perspective: deconstruction, receptions and critiques

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-83
Author(s):  
Alexandra Jingsi Ni ◽  
Qian Liu
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Chinese Dream ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The Chinese Dream

AbstractThe high-profile “Chinese Dream” campaign, which appeared in the public discourse in as early as 2012, has captured worldwide attention. Various interpretations and dissections of this heavily promoted political catchphrase have been proposed by a large number of scholars, political commentators, China specialists and even policy-makers across the globe. Academic publication and popular media coverage regarding the “Chinese Dream” campaign are extensive and numerous.However, despite the sheer amount of literature in existence, a critical deconstruction of the “Chinese Dream” is almost neglected and the crucial strategic functionalities the “Chinese Dream” campaign performs are also downplayed. Therefore, in this article, we intend to provide a series of critical interrogations and in-depth critiques of the “Chinese Dream” campaign from a more critical perspective in order to argue the following points: A) what are the true meanings of the “Chinese Dream” and what are the crucial ingredients deliberately included and excluded in the campaign; B) what are the important strategic functionalities the “Chinese Dream” campaign is designed to perform and what is the supporting understructure upon which the “Chinese Dream” campaign operates and C) what are the uncertainties and challenges facing the eventual realization of the ambitious “Chinese Dream” in the foreseeable future.

Ambivalent Relationships: London's Youth Culture and the Making of the Multi-Racial Society in the 1960s

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Fuhg
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Youth Culture ◽  
Global Culture ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
Ambivalent Relationship ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Class Youth

The emergence and formation of British working-class youth cultures in the 1960s were characterized by an ambivalent relationship between British identity, global culture and the formation of a multicultural society in the post-war decades. While national and local newspapers mostly reported on racial tensions and racially-motivated violence, culminating in the Notting Hill riots of 1958, the relationship between London's white working-class youth and teenagers with migration backgrounds was also shaped by a reciprocal, direct and indirect, personal and cultural exchange based on social interaction and local conditions. Starting from the Notting Hill Riots 1958, the article reconstructs places and cultural spheres of interaction between white working-class youth and teenagers from Caribbean communities in London in the 1960s. Following debates and discussions on race relations and the participation of black youth in the social life of London in the 1960s, the article shows that British working-class youth culture was affected in various ways by the processes of migration. By dealing with the multicultural dimension of the post-war metropolis, white working-class teenagers negotiated socio-economic as well as political changes, contributing in the process to an emergent, new image of post-imperial Britain.

Maximum Security

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1-2020) ◽  
pp. 71-84
Author(s):  
Margo Okazawa-Rey ◽  
Gwyn Kirk
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Air Force ◽  
International Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Prison System ◽  
Correctional Facilities ◽  
Latina Women ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Maximum Security ◽  
Class Youth

Okazawa-Rey and Kirk argue that the term maximum security, used in the context of the prison system, is an oxymoron. Jails, prisons, and other ‘correctional’ facilities provide no real security for communities, guards and other prison officials, or inmates. Imprisoning two million people, building more prisons, identifying poor and working-class youth of colour as ‘gang members,’ and criminalizing poor Black and Latina women does not increase security. Rather, the idea of security must be redefined in sharp contrast to everyday notions of personal security that are based on the protection of material possessions by locks and physical force, as well as prevailing definitions of national and international security based on a militarization that includes the police, border patrols, and armed forces such as the Navy, Army, Marines, and Air Force. To achieve genuine security, we must address the major sources of insecurity: economic, social, and political inequalities among and within nations and communities. The continual objectification of ‘others’ is a central mechanism underlying systems of oppression—and insecurity—based on class, race, gender, nation, and other significant lines of difference.

Religion and the Military

2018 ◽  
pp. 535-552
Author(s):  
Leana A. Bouffard ◽  
Haerim Jin
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Period Effects ◽  
Offending Patterns ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter provides an overview of the literature examining the role of religion and military service in the desistance process. It also identifies outstanding issues and directions for future research. It first presents an overview of research examining the role of religion in desistance and highlights measurement issues, potential intervening mechanisms, and a consideration of faith-based programs as criminal justice policy. Next, this chapter covers the relationship between military service and offending patterns, including period effects that explain variation in the relationship, selection effects, and the incorporation of military factors in criminal justice policy and programming. The chapter concludes by highlighting general conclusions from these two bodies of research and questions to be considered in future research.

scholarly journals Exploring criminal justice policy transfer models and mobilities using a case study of violence reduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 174889582199160
Author(s):  
William Graham ◽  
Annette Robertson
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Policy Transfer ◽  
Social Constructionist ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
Gang Violence ◽  
Single Model ◽  
Violence Reduction ◽  
Transfer Models

Although there is growing interest in criminal justice policy transfer, a dearth of empirical research in this area has been acknowledged. This article addresses this gap by presenting the results of research conducted on a case of policy transfer of a criminal justice programme, focused on group/gang violence reduction, from America to Scotland. Policy transfer models were used to develop, frame and conduct the analysis of what was considered a ‘successful’ programme transfer; however, it was found that no single model could fully account conceptually for a key finding of the research, namely a policy transfer ‘backflow’. This article details the key processes, mechanisms and outcomes of the policy transfer and in doing so reflects on the usefulness of orthodox and non-orthodox/social-constructionist policy transfer approaches in understanding the outcomes of this case of criminal justice programme transfer.

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