scholarly journals The European Union–Azerbaijan high-level transport dialogue: A timely reaction to the structural changes?

2021 ◽  
pp. 187936652110545
Author(s):  
Shamkhal Abilov ◽  
Beyrak Hajiyev

The European Union (EU) and Azerbaijan high-level transport dialogue is the continuation of the long period of cooperation between the EU and Azerbaijan in the area of transport since the early 1990s. The geopolitical and geo-economic maps of Eurasia, the South Caucasus, and the regions around have significantly changed since then thanks to rise of China, India, and other regional actors. These actors in their turn began to initiate competitive logistical and transportation projects to define terms and conditions of the making of Eurasian transport and trade routes. The ultimate goal is to have a share in controlling global flows passing through the strategic spots of Eurasian landmass. The EU’s recent transport dialogue with Azerbaijan reflects and is reaction to those changes that happened in the wider Europe, in Eurasia, and in the globe. This paper tries to place the EU and Azerbaijan transport dialogue to a broader picture to find out what changes conditioned and necessitated the upgraded dialogue between the EU and Azerbaijan. To do so, it traces the EU and Azerbaijan’s transport policies and cooperation since the early 1990s.

Author(s):  
Olena Skrypnyk

In the article explores the reasons for the military conflict in Georgia in August 2008, which arose with the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia’s proclamation of independence. As result of the armed conflict between 1992 and 1993, Georgia actually lost control of two regions – Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which de facto were independent under the Russian military support. The position of the European Union regarding this conflict was analyzed, which from the beginning of the Russo-Georgian armed conflict, made significant diplomatic efforts for its speedy settlement. In particular, France has developed six points for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. It was clarified what kind of assistance the EU provided in the termination of Russian-Georgian war. The activity of the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM) in Georgia has been analyzed, which started its work on October 1, 2008 and is currently in operation. The EUMM is unique among the missions under the overall European Union security and defense policy, she does not provide counseling, does not conduct training or training, she only observing and reporting on the situation in Georgia to allow EU member states to develop a policy towards Georgia. It was concluded that thanks to the creation of the EU Monitoring Mission in Georgia, the EU’s weight in resolving the conflict in Georgia has increased significantly. Despite some technical problems in the initial implementation phase, the Mission is a success for the EU’s Common Security and Defenсe Policy. The Mission continues to make an important contribution to stabilizing the conflict situation in the region, especially after the termination of the OSCE and UN Mission in Georgia. Noted that during the Russo-Georgian War in August 2008, the European Union has developed its own strategy for settling conflicts in the South Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Artur Nowak-Far

AbstractAt present, the European rule of law enforcement framework under Article 7 TEU (RLF) is vulnerable to unguaranteed, discretionary influences of the Member States. This vulnerability arises from its procedural format which requires high thresholds in decision-making with the effect that this procedure is prone to be terminated by the EU Member States likely to be scrutinized under it, if only they collude. Yet, the Framework may prove effective to correct serious breaches against human rights (in the context of ineffective rule of law standards). The European Commission is bound to pursue the RLF effectiveness for the sake of achieving relative uniformity of application of EU law (at large), and making the European Union a credible actor and co-creator of international legal order. The RLF is an important tool for the maintenance of relative stability of human rights and the rule of law in the EU despite natural divergence propensity resulting from the procedural autonomy of the EU Member States. By achieving this stability, the EU achieves significant political weight in international dialogue concerning human rights and the rule of law and preserves a high level of its global credibility in this context. Thus, RLF increases the EU’s effectiveness in promoting the European model of their identification and enforcement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Knific ◽  
Štefan Bojnec

Abstract This paper presents the questionnaire results of the research on implications of the effects of Slovenia’s accession to the European Union (EU) on structural changes in agricultural holdings (AHs) in the case of Škofjeloška hilly-mountain rural areas. The effects are studied based on the analysis of income diversification of AHs three years before the Slovenian accession to the EU in 2000 and six years after the Slovenian accession to the EU in 2010. Strategies of AHs on the basis of the questionnaire were analysed in early 2011. Income diversification of AHs with non-agricultural employment and off-farm incomes is necessary for survival for the majority of AHs. There are observed differences in structural changes in the AHs between areas with different natural conditions for agricultural production, and particularly in the extent and in the direction of structural changes by socioeconomic types of AHs. Structural changes inhibit non-economic objectives of AHs, while non-agricultural employment has a two-way influence.


Author(s):  
Paul Craig ◽  
Gráinne de Búrca

All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing able students with a stand-alone resource. The EU develops policy through regulations, directives, and decisions. Any developed legal system must have a mechanism for testing the legality of such measures. This chapter focuses on access to justice and review of legality by the EU Courts. There are a number of ways in which EU norms can be challenged, but the principal Treaty provision is Article 263 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (ex Article 230 EC). Five conditions must be satisfied before an act can successfully be challenged: (i) the relevant body must be amenable to judicial review; (ii) the act has to be of a kind that is open to challenge; (iii) the institution or person making the challenge must have standing to do so; (iv) there must be illegality of a type mentioned in Article 263(2); and (v) the challenge must be brought within the time limit indicated in Article 263(6).


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Kaniok ◽  
Monika Brusenbauch Meislova

Abstract The aim of the article is to explore how the Czech bicameral parliament has reacted to the process of the United Kingdom's (UK's) withdrawal from the European Union (EU). Drawing upon insights from the theoretical expectations of parliamentary power, the inquiry researches the ways that Czech legislatures have developed in terms of engaging with and influencing the Brexit process. In this regard, the Czech case is exceptionally interesting and worth exploring, since the EU agenda has become a highly politicised issue within the Czech context. The significance of this inquiry has been further highlighted by the high level of party-based Euroscepticism typical of Czech politics as well as the frequent changes that the Czech party system has been undergoing in recent years. Throughout the in-depth analysis of parliamentary scrutiny activities—conceptualised as comprising four aspects: (i) the institutional adjustment; (ii) articulation of priorities; (iii) interactions with the government and (iv) parliamentary party politics—the article considers how these activities compare between both chambers of the Czech Parliament.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Ronzoni

Should the EU be a federal union or an intergovernmental forum? Recently, demoicrats have been arguing that there exists a third alternative. The EU should be conceived as a demoicracy, namely a ‘Union of peoples who govern together, but not as one’ (Nicolaïdis). The demoi of Europe recognise that they affect one another’s democratic health, and hence establish a union to guarantee their freedom qua demoi – which most demoicrats cash out as non-domination. This is more than intergovernmentalism, because the demoi govern together on these matters. However, if the union aims at protecting the freedom of the different European demoi, it cannot do so by replacing them with a ‘superdemos’, as federalists want. This paper argues that demoicracy does possess distinctive normative features; it claims, however, that an institutional choice between intergovernmentalism and federalism is necessary. Depending on how we interpret what the non-domination of demoi requires, demoicracy will either ground a specific way of practicing intergovernmentalism or a specific form of federalism. It cannot, however, ground an institutional model which is genuinely alternative to both.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
Nikola Jokanovic

This paper will discuss the economic relations between the European Union and the People?s Republic of China. The introductory part will make an insight into the position of China in the contemporary global economy. The following part of the paper will analyze China-EU trade relations. The topics included will be a general overview of these relations since their establishing in 1975 as well as the European Union?s attitude towards the Chinese WTO membership. The Sino-EU partnership and competition will also be described and it will be followed by an overview of the Sino-EU High Level Economic and Trade Dialogue (HED). The concluding topics in this part of the paper will include Sino-EU trade flows, perceived obstacles to trade and investment as well as recent trade disputes between two trading partners. The third part of the paper will deal with Sino-EU investment flows (with an emphasis on Chinese investments in EU member states). After the introductory remarks concerning the EU investments originating from China, the paper will shed light on particular EU member states which are preferred for Chinese investment as well as the industries in which Chinese companies are willing to invest. The concluding part of this paper will offer possible development of relations between the EU and China in the near future.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1591-1622
Author(s):  
Mihail Vatsov

The preliminary reference procedure under Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) is instrumental for the so-called “judicial dialogue” within the European Union (EU). The goals of the preliminary reference procedure are to ensure the uniform interpretation and application of EU law and to contribute to the harmonious development of the law throughout the EU. It was through the preliminary reference procedure to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) that the principles of direct effect and supremacy were developed. It took many years before the first request by a Constitutional Court was sent to the CJEU. So far, the Constitutional Courts of Belgium, Austria, Lithuania, Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and most recently Slovenia, have sent requests for preliminary rulings to the CJEU. By far the most active of these in sending requests has been the Belgian Court. The Portuguese Constitutional Court has indicated that it can request preliminary rulings from the CJEU but is yet to do so. In the other Member States (MS) with Constitutional Courts, references have not been sent yet, although worthy occasions in terms of EU-law-related cases have occurred, as also observed in various contributions in this special issue. These MSs include Bulgaria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Rakhi Singh ◽  
Seema Sharma ◽  
Deepak Tandon

Indian economy is one of the fastest growing economies in the world today. In line with global trade trends, Indian export sector has been growing and contributing significantly to the economy. Given its exports structure, India is well positioned to benefit from the structural changes in technology and emerging forces of globalization. Indian economy has shown remarkable progress in terms of foreign trade after the introduction of economic reforms in 1991. The European Union (EU) is a very important trading partner of India. The trade volumes between India and EU have shown remarkable improvement in last one and a half decade. After starting out at a relatively low level in the 1990’s, the trade volumes, both with respect to Indian exports to the EU as well as with respect to Indian imports from the EU, started to increase most noticeably after the year 2001.Use of non-tariff measures (NTMs) as means of protection has captured a lot of focus after reduction of tariffs in the world trade. India even after being a strategic partner for European Union (EU) has to face lot of NTMs on its exports. Based on studies in the past, link between the incidence of NTMs imposed by the home country and the income level of the foreign country has been established. The interplay of incidence of NTMs and the GDP remains largely unexplored in the context of India-EU trade relationship. This paper tries to fill this gap and show the importance of the study in policy decisions. Authors have used UNCTAD’s NTM data and Spearman’s correlation coefficient to measure the strength and direction of the relationship between incidence of NTM with per capita GDP of the exporting country (India). The authors have used different permutations of data from the main data set (1994-95 to 2016-17) for analysis and have concluded that incidence of NTMs on Indian exports to EU is positively co-related to the per capita GDP of India.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-562
Author(s):  
Andrew Watt

This article focuses on China and its impact on the European Union economy, labour markets and workers. It is widely claimed that, faced with competition from countries such as China, Europe needs radical reform of its economic and social institutions in order to remain ‘competitive’. This article presents two main theses. The first is that Europe remains, to a far greater extent than is commonly supposed, ‘master of its own destiny’ and the various actors should tailor their policies accordingly. The second is that one must beware of simply extrapolating from past trends. China's development trajectory is changing and will do so further, opening up opportunities for, as well as posing threats to, Europe.


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