Ten Pages that Changed the World: Deconstructing Ricardo∗

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Peet

Powerful ideas that shape the world become taken-for-granted verities, in two senses of the term: as the only world that is known; and as the only world that can be imagined. When hegemony controls the imagination, fundamental criticism becomes difficult, and perhaps, impossible. Yet what if there were flaws in the original idea, from which new worlds were constructed, that have materialized in a political-economic geography beset with seemingly unsolvable problems? For example, what if there have always been fundamental flaws in the free trade, open market, competitive, global system that dominates both the world as we know it and the conventional political-economic-geographical thought we know it through? This article speculates that a psycho-discursive act of deconstruction might unravel the entire, subsequent discourse. It aims deconstruction at a founding statement in the free trade, global ideal, by looking critically at David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage. Ricardo's argument that specialization and free trade are universally beneficial, became a founding premise of conventional economic theory and a basic prescription of liberal and neoliberal development policy. The article looks critically: at the logical consistency and representational accuracy of Ricardo's theory, especially the claim that all participants benefit from participation in a free trading scheme, so that trade brings about a far better world. The article reaches two main, critical conclusions: free trade theory based in comparative advantage has, from the beginning, been an ideology for creating economic spaces open to domination by powerful, leading countries; economics and economic geography have, since their classical beginnings, been biased in that their founding statements reverse the reality they pretend accurately to represent.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Made Adnyana

<p>          In addition to the free trade accord of Bali II, Indonesia has also agreed to implement ACFTA with RRChina and Hongkong. Four schemes agreed up on are Early Harvest Program (EHP), Normal Track (NT) Sensitive Track (ST) and Highly Sensitive Track (HST). The  method used in the study is applying  New Trade Theory model, i.e. involving Comparative Advantage determinants, along with regression analysis. The study  focuses on  data on export volume of  1996 up to  2013 on three-monhly basis. The finding of the study is that certain commodities have gained promising export in 2010; steady export growth has been experienced by two commodities numbered as 87 and 27 at the schemes.   The number 26 commodity at the scheme experienced the decline.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>ACFTA schemes, exsport from Indonesia, RR China, Hongkong</p>


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUDITH GOLDSTEIN ◽  
JOANNE GOWA

This essay examines the effect of power asymmetries and imperfect markets on US trade policy, two issues often neglected in the conventional literature. We suggest that when the distribution of power is skewed and markets do not conform to the world of standard trade theory, open international markets will not exist unless the disproportionately most powerful state can make a credible commitment to free trade. We suggest that these two conditions characterized the post-World War II trade environment and partially explain why the United States encouraged the formation of the postwar international trade regime. To demonstrate this argument, we examine the voting rules, dispute settlement procedures, and regional trading arrangements that characterized the three postwar trade organizations: the stillborn International Trade Organization, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and the World Trade Organization. We argue that the rules of these institutions empowered their member states to punish any US attempts to ‘cheat’. In so doing, it made free trade their welfare-maximizing strategy choice.


1987 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R Krugman

If there were an Economist's Creed, it would surely contain the affirmations “I understand the Principle of Comparative Advantage” and “I advocate Free Trade.” Yet the case for free trade is currently more in doubt than at any time since the 1817 publication of Ricardo's Principles of Political Economy, and this is due to changes that have recently taken place in the theory of international trade. While new developments in international trade theory may not yet be familiar to the profession at large, they have been substantial and radical. In the last ten years the traditional constant returns, perfect competition models of international trade have been supplemented and to some extent supplanted by a new breed of models that emphasizes increasing returns and imperfect competition. These new models call into doubt the extent to which actual trade can be explained by comparative advantage; they also open the possibility that government intervention in trade via import restrictions, export subsidies, and so on may under some circumstances be in the national interest after all. To preview this paper's conclusion: free trade is not passé, but it is an idea that has irretrievably lost its innocence. Its status has shifted from optimum to reasonable rule of thumb. There is still a case for free trade as a good policy, and as a useful target in the practical world of politics, but it can never again be asserted as the policy that economic theory tells us is always right.


Free Traders ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 113-138
Author(s):  
Malcolm Fairbrother

Academic economists are broadly supportive of initiatives for globalization, and their endorsements make a difference politically: they carry the authority of expertise. But this chapter shows, contrary to what many people believe, that agreements like NAFTA are not really based on mainstream economic ideas. Compared to formal neoclassical trade theory, the priorities and worldviews of businesspeople—which are in some respects quite different—are much more politically influential. Economists’ ideas are so marginal in part because they are not politically useful for constructing broad business support for free trade. For that reason, even officials and negotiators who subscribe to neoclassical ideas do not talk about trade in neoclassical ways. Few people understand economists’ neoclassical trade theory, including its core concept of comparative advantage, which does not resonate with the lived experience of businesspeople.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-259
Author(s):  
Joby Joseph ◽  
K. S. Hari

The countries involved in the ASEAN–India Free Trade Agreement (AIFTA) are major producers/exporters of tropical commodities including natural rubber (NR). India is the sixth largest producer and second largest consumer of NR in the world. The country is also a major importer of NR and exporter of rubber products. The import of NR worth US$ 785.44 million and export earnings of rubber products worth US $244.17 million from ASEAN region during the year 2017–18 indicated the importance of AIFTA in the rubber sector of India. Therefore, an in-depth analysis on the pattern and specialisation of rubber and rubber products exported from India is done using trade indicators such as revealed comparative advantage, regional orientation, intra-industry trade and Galtonian regression. The results indicate no considerable change after the establishment of AIFTA in the pattern and specialisation in exports of rubber and rubber products from India to ASEAN.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
Daniel Nagel ◽  
Sorin Burnete

Abstract Free trade denotes a state of international commercial relations premised on governments’ restraint from using policy instruments meant to favor indigenous industries against foreign competitors. According to the conventional trade theory advocated by classical and neo-classical thinkers, free trade makes little economic sense failing nations’ tendency to specialize based on comparative advantage, a concept with high persuasive influence despite the elapsing of time. Even though the comparative advantage rule has seldom been questioned per se, the free trade concept has been fiercely disputed and not infrequently, bashed. Nations’ involvement in international trade often follows patterns that do not fit theoretical models but attempt to respond to circumstantial interests, most often the need to protect poorly competitive industries. In common parlance, free trade has had both proponents and enemies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-111
Author(s):  
Sirimal Abeyratne ◽  
N. S. Cooray

Comparative advantage is based on ‘locational factors’ so that trade leads to growth and its spatial concentration. Until recently, the nexus between trade and spatial growth received little space within trade analyses though it did not appear to be a missing link in initial contributions to trade theory. The reshaping of the global economy with greater integration has called for analyses of trade and spatial growth. This article examines theoretical premises of the link between international trade and spatial growth, and the implications of reshaping of the global economy for the study of spatial growth within trade theory.


1990 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Raby

This is a good deal, a good deal for Canada and a deal that is good for all Canadians. It is also a fair deal, which means that it brings benefits and progress to our partner, the United States of America. When both countries prosper, our democracies are strengthened and leadership has been provided to our trading partners around the world. I think this initiative represents enlightened leadership to the trading partners about what can be accomplished when we determine that we are going to strike down protectionism, move toward liberalized trade, and generate new prosperity for all our people.On January 2, 1988, President Ronald Reagan of the United States and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada signed the landmark comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries that already enjoyed the largest bilateral trade relationship in the world. The FTA was subsequently ratified by the legislatures of both countries, if only after a bitterly fought election on the subject in Canada. On January 1, 1989, the FTA formally came into effect.


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