scholarly journals Mixed Evidence for Interactive Effects of Outgroup Proportions and Intergroup Contact on Racial Bias in the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110277
Author(s):  
James R. Rae ◽  
Allison L. Skinner-Dorkenoo ◽  
Anna-Kaisa Reiman ◽  
Katharina Schmid ◽  
Miles Hewstone
Keyword(s):  
Black People ◽  
Racial Bias ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Interactive Effects ◽  
Ingroup Bias ◽  
Total N ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
Group Members

Dominant majority-group members living in areas with larger proportions of outgroup members tend to express more ingroup bias. However, prior research has rarely considered this in tandem with the bias-reducing effects of intergroup contact or tested whether outgroup proportions have similar effects for oppressed minority-group members. In two preregistered studies, we tested whether contact moderates the association between outgroup proportions and ingroup bias among White and Black Americans (total N > 75,000). As hypothesized, more Black residents in an area predicted greater explicit (but not implicit) ingroup bias among White respondents who reported low (but not high) contact with Black people. By contrast, more White residents in an area predicted lower explicit (but not implicit) ingroup bias among Black respondents regardless of intergroup contact with White people. We qualify previous findings by demonstrating that the association between outgroup proportions and ingroup bias depends on one’s group membership and level of intergroup contact.

scholarly journals Mixed Evidence for Interactive Effects of Outgroup Proportions and Intergroup Contact on Racial Bias in the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Skinner-Dorkenoo ◽  
James Richard Rae ◽  
Anna Reiman
Keyword(s):  
Black People ◽  
Racial Bias ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Interactive Effects ◽  
Ingroup Bias ◽  
Total N ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
Group Members

Dominant majority-group members living in areas with larger proportions of outgroup members tend to express more ingroup bias. However, prior research has rarely considered this in tandem with the bias-reducing effects of intergroup contact or tested whether outgroup proportions have similar effects for oppressed minority-group members. In two preregistered studies, we tested whether contact moderates the association between outgroup proportions and ingroup bias among White and Black Americans (total N>75,000). As hypothesized, more Black residents in an area predicted greater explicit (but not implicit) ingroup bias among White respondents who reported low (but not high) contact with Black people. By contrast, more White residents in an area predicted lower explicit (but not implicit) ingroup bias among Black respondents regardless of intergroup contact with White people. We qualify previous findings by demonstrating that the association between outgroup proportions and ingroup bias depends on one’s group membership and level of intergroup contact.

scholarly journals Whites for racial justice: How contact with Black Americans predicts support for collective action among White Americans

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 893-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hema Preya Selvanathan ◽  
Pirathat Techakesari ◽  
Linda R. Tropp ◽  
Fiona Kate Barlow
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Group Efficacy ◽  
Total N ◽  
Group Members ◽  
White Guilt

Advantaged group members have an important role to play in creating social change, and intergroup contact has tremendous implications in shaping intergroup relations. However, little research has examined how intergroup contact predicts advantaged group members’ inclinations toward collective action to support the interests of disadvantaged groups. The present research investigates how contact with Black Americans shapes White Americans’ willingness to engage in collective action for racial justice and support for the Black Lives Matter movement. Three studies of White Americans (total N = 821) consistently reveal that positive contact with Black Americans predicts greater support for collective action through a sequential process of fostering greater feelings of empathy for Black Americans and anger over injustice. These findings hold even when taking into account other relevant psychological factors (i.e., White guilt and identification, negative contact, group efficacy, and moral convictions). The present research contributes to our understanding of how advantaged group members come to engage in social change efforts.

Are Americans less likely to reply to emails from Black people relative to White people?

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (52) ◽  
pp. e2110347118
Author(s):  
Ray Block ◽  
Charles Crabtree ◽  
John B. Holbein ◽  
J. Quin Monson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Black People ◽  
Racial Bias ◽  
The United States ◽  
Simple Task ◽  
The Public ◽  
Medical Sector ◽  
Large Scale Field ◽  
Ethnic Subgroups

In this article, we present the results from a large-scale field experiment designed to measure racial discrimination among the American public. We conducted an audit study on the general public—sending correspondence to 250,000 citizens randomly drawn from public voter registration lists. Our within-subjects experimental design tested the public’s responsiveness to electronically delivered requests to volunteer their time to help with completing a simple task—taking a survey. We randomized whether the request came from either an ostensibly Black or an ostensibly White sender. We provide evidence that in electronic interactions, on average, the public is less likely to respond to emails from people they believe to be Black (rather than White). Our results give us a snapshot of a subtle form of racial bias that is systemic in the United States. What we term everyday or “paper cut” discrimination is exhibited by all racial/ethnic subgroups—outside of Black people themselves—and is present in all geographic regions in the United States. We benchmark paper cut discrimination among the public to estimates of discrimination among various groups of social elites. We show that discrimination among the public occurs more frequently than discrimination observed among elected officials and discrimination in higher education and the medical sector but simultaneously, less frequently than discrimination in housing and employment contexts. Our results provide a window into the discrimination that Black people in the United States face in day-to-day interactions with their fellow citizens.

scholarly journals Diversity in health care institutions reduces Israeli patients’ prejudice toward Arabs

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (14) ◽  
pp. e2022634118
Author(s):  
Chagai M. Weiss
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Prejudice Reduction ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The Impact ◽  
To Receive

Diversity in the lines of public institutions, such as hospitals, schools, and police forces, is thought to improve provision for minority group members. Nonetheless, whether and how diversity in public institutions shapes majority citizens’ prejudice toward minorities are unclear. Building on insights from the intergroup contact literature, I suggest that diversity in public institutions can facilitate positive intergroup contact between majority group members and minorities in elevated social positions. Such unique interactions, which exceed the equal status condition for effective intergroup contact, can serve to reduce prejudice and facilitate more inclusive attitudes among majority group members. To test this expectation, I focus on health care provision—a leading sector with regard to minority representation. Leveraging a natural experiment unfolding in 21 Israeli medical clinics where Jewish patients are haphazardly assigned to receive care from Jewish or Arab doctors and embedding prejudice-related questions in a routine evaluation survey, I demonstrate that brief contact with an Arab doctor reduces prejudice. Specifically, contact with an Arab doctor reduces Jewish patients’ exclusionary preferences toward Arabs by one-sixth of an SD and increases Jewish patients’ optimism about peace by a 10th of an SD. The modest magnitude of these effects is similar to the impact of well-powered interventions recently reviewed in a meta-analysis of prejudice reduction experiments. These findings emphasize how the demographic makeup of public institutions can reduce mass prejudice, even in a context of intractable conflict.

White Female Bystanders’ Responses to a Black Woman at Risk for Sexual Assault:

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine E. Merrilees ◽  
Jennifer Katz ◽  
Natalie DuBois ◽  
Claire Grant
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Black Woman ◽  
White Women ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
White Female ◽  
Cultural Heterogeneity ◽  
Group Members ◽  
White Campuses

Although much research suggests that intergroup contact reduces prejudice, less research has examined the effects of contact on prosocial intergroup bystander behaviors. The current study examined mediators between White undergraduate women’s (N = 139) contact with racial/ethnic minority group members and their intent to help a Black woman at risk for sexual assault. As expected, White women who had more frequent and higher quality contact reported greater intent to intervene. Results showed that the effect of quality intergroup contact was mediated by diversity beliefs, or the attitude that cultural heterogeneity leads to favorable outcomes. These results suggest that promoting high-quality opportunities for intergroup contact and education regarding cultural diversity could promote the safety of racially and ethnically diverse students on predominantly White campuses.

scholarly journals The role of optimal conditions and intergroup contact in promoting positive intergroup relations in and out of the workplace: A study with ethnic majority and minority workers

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110109
Author(s):  
Gian Antonio Di Bernardo ◽  
Loris Vezzali ◽  
Michèle D. Birtel ◽  
Sofia Stathi ◽  
Barbara Ferrari ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Structural Equation ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Negative Stereotypes ◽  
Contact Conditions ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Positive Contact

A field study was conducted with majority and minority group members to test whether the effects of optimal contact conditions and of intergroup contact generalize across situations, and extend to the support of intergroup equality in terms of agreement with social policies benefitting the minority group. Participants were 163 Italian and 129 immigrant workers in three corporate organizations. Results from structural equation modelling analyses revealed that, for the majority group, positive contact stemming from optimal contact conditions was indirectly associated, via reduction in negative stereotypes, with more positive behavior that generalized across situations. For both majority and minority groups, positive contact stemming from optimal contact conditions was associated with less negative stereotypes, and in turn with greater support for social policies favoring the minority. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed, also in relation to the significance of the present results for research investigating the relation between intergroup contact and social change.

Rethinking Citizenship: Faith Institutions and Residents Working to Coproduce a New Reality for Returning Citizens

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandi Blessett
Keyword(s):  
Urban Communities ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Community Members ◽  
Quality Of Life Indicators ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Returning Citizens

Urban communities and people of color continue to be disparaged by any number of quality of life indicators in 2019 as were identified in 1968. This article examines the evolution of state-sponsored disenfranchisement in the United States and identifies faith and nonprofit institutions as progressive allies in the fight against systemic injustice for communities of color. First, the article uses the Kerner Report to contextualize the heightened surveillance of Black residents and the occupation of their neighborhoods by police in response to the urban rights of the 1960s. The second part examines disenfranchisement as tools of state-sponsored oppression and their long-standing implication for Black people. The final section of the article illuminates the collaborative relationship between faith and nonprofit leaders with community members to advance rights restoration reform in the state of Florida.

The Issue Is Still Equality of Educational Opportunity

1981 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 490-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jomills Henry Braddock II
Keyword(s):  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
Public School System ◽  
Open Society ◽  
Occupational Success ◽  
Social Inequities ◽  
Equal Chance ◽  
Group Members

Education in the United States has traditionally been viewed as a primary stepping stone to upward social mobility. This has been especially true for the disadvantaged and minority group members. Conventional wisdom suggests that it is our free public school system that guarantees an open society in which children of all social classes and ethnic backgrounds have an equal chance to develop their talents and achieve adult success commensurate with their individual abilities. While a number of observers argue strongly that the U.S. educational system perpetuates and reinforces existing social inequities(Bowles, 1972; Rothbart, 1970), it is still the case that educational attainment is the single best predictor of adult occupational success (Sewell & Hauser, 1975).

Crime—Some Popular Belief s

1979 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Doleschal
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Financial Loss ◽  
Popular Belief ◽  
Criminal Offenders ◽  
Socioeconomic Groups ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Social Balance

A careful look at several pervasive notions about crime proves them to be without base. While most Americans believe that crime has increased con siderably during the last few decades, our best evidence suggests that crime rates fluctuate somewhat but remain essentially stable over time. Most Americans believe that the criminal justice system in this country is more lenient with common criminals than are comparable systems in other countries. Yet we find, on the contrary, that the United States is the most punitive of all free nations. Another popular belief is that minority group members and the poor are responsible for most crimes. But this is not the case—crime is evenly distributed among the socioeconomic groups, and the crimes committed by the affluent cause the greatest financial loss. Finally, most Americans believe that crime serves no purpose that is use ful to law-abiding citizens. Yet we find that stable levels of crime and criminal offenders serve to reinforce group values and maintain a social balance.

School Busing in Britain: Policies and Perceptions

1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis Killian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Department Of Education ◽  
Neighborhood Schools ◽  
Indian Children ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
School Busing ◽  
Group Members

In 1965 the British Department of Education and Science promulgated a policy encouraging local education authorities to disperse immigrant children, by busing if necessary, from schools in which they constituted more than one third of the enrollment. This legitimized the practice by a few authorities of busing Asian and West Indian children out of neighborhood schools where there was racial imbalance. Although busing never became widely practiced, it was challenged by minority group members as being discriminatory. In 1975 the Race Relations Board issued a ruling that busing did constitute racial discrimination unless it could be shown that the children needed special language training. The major opposition to busing came from minority groups and was expressed in much the same terms as white opposition to busing in the United States. Comparing the origins of school busing in Britain and the United States, Lewis Killian concludes that busing can best be understood as a political issue rather than in terms of educational effects.

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