scholarly journals Measuring differences in the Chinese press: A study of People’s Daily and Southern Metropolitan Daily

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiyan Wang ◽  
Colin Sparks ◽  
Yu Huang

The development of the market has produced a differentiation inside the Chinese press between an ‘official’ press with traditional propaganda functions on behalf of the Communist Party and a ‘commercial’ press whose objective is to maximise revenue. Scholarly opinion has differed over whether marketization undermines Party control and whether new forms of journalism have arisen that lead to conflicts. These discussions have rested on little evidence as to the practises of Chinese journalism. This article presents empirical data on the extent of the differentiation, reporting on a content analysis of the national news in People’s Daily and Southern Metropolitan Daily. These titles are popularly believed to represent the polar opposites of official, orthodox journalism and commercial, liberal journalism. The evidence presented here demonstrates that while there are indeed significant differences in the journalism of the two titles, there remains a substantial overlap in their choice of subjects, their use of sources and the degree to which news is presented ‘objectively’. Southern Metropolitan Daily does display some ‘popular’ features and does contain more ‘watchdog’ journalism, but it shares with its official cousin an emphasis upon the party as the source for news.

Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1203-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiyan Wang ◽  
Colin Sparks ◽  
Huang Yu

It is commonly stated that the press in China can be divided into two main categories, the party-oriented official press and the market-oriented commercial press. This article examines an official paper, China Youth Daily, which is a central organ of the Communist Youth League of China. The findings of a content analysis demonstrate that this title differs significantly from other central official titles, like People’s Daily, but also from commercial papers, like Southern Metropolis Daily. While China Youth Daily’s journalism is close to the official pole in the amount of propaganda-related material it covers, it also has a greater emphasis on watchdog journalism than does People’s Daily. It places a much greater emphasis on infotainment than do either of the official and commercial poles. It is more likely to use journalistic techniques like sensationalism and the revelation of personal details than are the other titles analysed. These findings lead to the conclusion that the bi-polar characterization of the Chinese press requires modification. At least one prominent national title is best described as ‘popular official’ media. One of the main features of this kind of journalism is that it presents the party and business elite in a human light and thus constitutes a renewal of the repertoire of hegemonic devices at the party’s disposal. What is certainly the case is that the frequent claim that there is a contradiction between popular journalism responding to audience tastes and official journalism constrained by the propaganda needs of the party is mistaken.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 331-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiming Hu ◽  
Weipeng Hou ◽  
Jinghong Xu

Employing content analysis, this study compares the coverage of the Arab uprisings by the <em>People’s Daily</em> (the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China) and <em>Caixin Net</em> (a typical commercial media) with statements from the Chinese Foreign Ministry in the last decade. It shows that the overall attention given to Arab uprisings in the <em>People’s Daily</em> and <em>Caixin Net</em> declined during the period, but there were shifts in the framing of the conflicts, presentation of issues, and positions. The article demonstrates and analyses how the approach and outline of the conflicts in the <em>People’s Daily</em> changed from disaster to criticism, and then to comparison—its position towards the events generally negative—and how <em>Caixin Net</em> moved from a disaster to a contextual framing of the events, its position tending to be neutral.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-34
Author(s):  
Wen Ye ◽  
Geri Alumit Zeldes

Examining 788 news articles in the People’s Daily from 2003 to 2013, this study explores basic trends in the representation of people with disabilities in an official newspaper in China. The study proposes that the portrayal of people with disabilities has increased because the living standards of people with disabilities in China have improved substantially and several significant events affecting people with disabilities took place during the decade under consideration. However, the results of content analysis did not support the general assumption of this study and show that the quantity of news coverage and the usages of the top three dominant news models and the top three major news sources did not increase significantly from year to year. The quantity of news articles and the usages of the top three dominant news models and the top three major news sources in 2009–2013 did not increase significantly compared with 2003–2007. The implications of the findings are discussed.


Modern China ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 455-496
Author(s):  
Joel Andreas ◽  
Yige Dong

This article compares two fateful experiments conducted during the Mao era in China that encouraged freewheeling criticism of Communist cadres: the 1957 Party Rectification campaign and the early upheavals of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968). Through a content analysis of articles published in the Chinese Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, we first show that the two movements shared characteristics that made them very similar to each other and remarkably different from all other mass campaigns carried out during the Mao era. We then analyze the differences between the two movements—and their consequences—by investigating how they unfolded in factories, based mainly on interviews with workers and party cadres. We argue that key elements of the strategy Mao pursued during the Cultural Revolution were developed in response to the unmitigated failure of the 1957 campaign and these elements fostered a movement more capable of compelling Communist cadres to face criticism from below. In comparing the two movements, we highlight the evolution of the term “big democracy,” which was uniquely associated with these two episodes, but was deployed very differently in 1966 than it was in 1957.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 204-216
Author(s):  
Mudassar Hussain Shah ◽  
Sadaf Asif ◽  
Raja Arslan Ahmad Khan

The present study explores how 'CPEC' is covered and treated by the two eminent English newspapers The News (Pakistani Newspaper) and the People's daily (Chinese Newspaper) through their Facebook's official pages through the keyword search “China – Pakistan Economic Corridor” from the year 2015-19. The broader aspects, categories are formed; as development, economy, political, social, strategic and other, examined the treatment on their frequency and semantic network analysis on positive, negative and neutral frames through coding sheet. For this purpose, the quantitative content analysis is conducted to examine that how 'CPEC' is covered, framed and treated by the said newspaper at their official Facebook pages. The findings of the study reveal that 'China – Pakistan Economic Corridor' is projected significantly more strategic than economic on the posts appeared on the Chinese and Pakistani newspaper. The coverage appeared on The News is varied from positive, neutral and negative.


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