Framing the Boundary of Sino-Japanese Conflicts in China’s Communication Sphere: a Content Analysis of the News Coverage of Japan and Sino-Japanese Controversies by the People’s Daily between 2001 and 2015

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianru Guan
2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-34
Author(s):  
Wen Ye ◽  
Geri Alumit Zeldes

Examining 788 news articles in the People’s Daily from 2003 to 2013, this study explores basic trends in the representation of people with disabilities in an official newspaper in China. The study proposes that the portrayal of people with disabilities has increased because the living standards of people with disabilities in China have improved substantially and several significant events affecting people with disabilities took place during the decade under consideration. However, the results of content analysis did not support the general assumption of this study and show that the quantity of news coverage and the usages of the top three dominant news models and the top three major news sources did not increase significantly from year to year. The quantity of news articles and the usages of the top three dominant news models and the top three major news sources in 2009–2013 did not increase significantly compared with 2003–2007. The implications of the findings are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiyan Wang ◽  
Colin Sparks ◽  
Yu Huang

The development of the market has produced a differentiation inside the Chinese press between an ‘official’ press with traditional propaganda functions on behalf of the Communist Party and a ‘commercial’ press whose objective is to maximise revenue. Scholarly opinion has differed over whether marketization undermines Party control and whether new forms of journalism have arisen that lead to conflicts. These discussions have rested on little evidence as to the practises of Chinese journalism. This article presents empirical data on the extent of the differentiation, reporting on a content analysis of the national news in People’s Daily and Southern Metropolitan Daily. These titles are popularly believed to represent the polar opposites of official, orthodox journalism and commercial, liberal journalism. The evidence presented here demonstrates that while there are indeed significant differences in the journalism of the two titles, there remains a substantial overlap in their choice of subjects, their use of sources and the degree to which news is presented ‘objectively’. Southern Metropolitan Daily does display some ‘popular’ features and does contain more ‘watchdog’ journalism, but it shares with its official cousin an emphasis upon the party as the source for news.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1203-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiyan Wang ◽  
Colin Sparks ◽  
Huang Yu

It is commonly stated that the press in China can be divided into two main categories, the party-oriented official press and the market-oriented commercial press. This article examines an official paper, China Youth Daily, which is a central organ of the Communist Youth League of China. The findings of a content analysis demonstrate that this title differs significantly from other central official titles, like People’s Daily, but also from commercial papers, like Southern Metropolis Daily. While China Youth Daily’s journalism is close to the official pole in the amount of propaganda-related material it covers, it also has a greater emphasis on watchdog journalism than does People’s Daily. It places a much greater emphasis on infotainment than do either of the official and commercial poles. It is more likely to use journalistic techniques like sensationalism and the revelation of personal details than are the other titles analysed. These findings lead to the conclusion that the bi-polar characterization of the Chinese press requires modification. At least one prominent national title is best described as ‘popular official’ media. One of the main features of this kind of journalism is that it presents the party and business elite in a human light and thus constitutes a renewal of the repertoire of hegemonic devices at the party’s disposal. What is certainly the case is that the frequent claim that there is a contradiction between popular journalism responding to audience tastes and official journalism constrained by the propaganda needs of the party is mistaken.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morley J. Weston ◽  
Adrian Rauchfleisch

Inequities in China are reflected within state-run media coverage due to its specific role “guiding public opinion,” and with our study we contribute to the geographic turn in the Chinese context with regard to media and journalism. As a subject of a spatial study, China is unique due to several factors: geographic diversity, authoritarian control, and centralized media. By analyzing text from 53,000 articles published in <em>People’s Daily</em> (rénmín rìbào, 人民日報) from January 2016 to August 2020, we examine how the amount of news coverage varies by region within China, how topics and sentiments manifest in different places, and how coverage varies with regard to foreign countries. Automated methods were used to detect place names from the articles and geoparse them to specific locations, combining spatial analysis, topic modeling and sentiment analysis to identify geographic biases in news coverage in an authoritarian context. We found remarkably uniform and positive coverage domestically, but substantial differences towards coverage of different foreign countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (6) ◽  
pp. 551-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azeta Hatef ◽  
Luwei Rose Luqiu

One Belt, One Road is a political and economic initiative developed by China to revive ancient trade routes in an effort to encourage international trade. One Belt, One Road will increase China’s economic reach but also promises to improve the political and economic standards of countries involved in the program. The initiative holds transformative opportunities for Afghanistan, as the country continues to experience political and economic instability. One Belt, One Road, though is met with differing perspectives, where critics of the initiative point toward China’s exploitative desires. Through content analysis of China’s People’s Daily and Global Times as well as Afghanistan’s Khaama Press, this article suggests China and Afghanistan’s involvement in the One Belt, One Road initiative is rooted in vastly different interests.


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