Are the Scottish and English Suicide Rates Really Different?

1972 ◽  
Vol 120 (556) ◽  
pp. 267-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. M. Barraclough

The official suicide rate for England and Wales has been higher than Scotland's (1) for at least 70 years. Since national differences in official suicide rates are quite frequently cited as an index of differences in social well-being, it is of some importance to know whether these differences are valid or whether they are merely artefacts caused by varying criteria for deciding what evidence is necessary to write 'suicide’ upon the death certificate.

2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armand Chatard ◽  
Leila Selimbegović ◽  
Paul N'Dri Konan

Using recent data from the International Sexuality Description Project (ISDP), we examined whether national differences in self‐esteem across 55 nations are reflected in suicide rates. Results indicate that suicide is especially common in nations with relatively low levels of self‐esteem. This relation is consistent across sex lines, age of suicide and independent from several other relevant factors such as economic affluence, transition, individualism, subjective well‐being, and neuroticism. These findings provide support for the predictive validity of self‐esteem scores as assessed in the ISDP survey. They also contribute to a growing body of research documenting negative consequences associated with low self‐esteem. Possible implications for suicide prevention strategies are discussed. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2009 ◽  
Vol 194 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Salib ◽  
Mario Cortina-Borja

BackgroundA reduction in suicide in England and Wales has been reported after the attacks of 11 September 2001 in the USA. It may be plausible therefore to expect a much greater impact on suicide in the UK in response to the events of 7 July 2005, caused by the first suicide terrorist attack by Islamic extremists on British soil.AimsTo examine the effect of the 7 July 2005 terrorist attacks in London on suicide rates in England and Wales.MethodAnalysis of number of suicide (ICD–10 codes X60–X84) and undetermined injury deaths (ICD–10 codes Y10–Y34) reported in England and Wales in the 12 weeks before and after 7 July 2005. We used Shewhart Control Charts based on Poisson rates to explore adjusted daily and weekly suicide rates and rate differences with respect to 7 July 2005.ResultsA brief but significant reduction in daily suicide rate was observed a few days after the terrorist attack in London on 7 July 2005. Further reduction was also observed on the 21 July 2005, coinciding with the second wave of attacks. No similar reduction in suicide was seen during the same period in the previous 4 years. Poisson regression models with indicator variables for each day in July 2005 revealed a reduction of 40% of the expected daily rate for these 2 days only. We found no evidence of any longer-term effect on suicide.ConclusionsThe study findings are contrary to our expectation and only weakly support Durkheim's theory that periods of national threat lower the suicide rate through the impact on social cohesion. It is possible that previous experience of IRA terrorism in the UK may have limited the effect of the 7 July 2005 attacks on suicide in England and Wales. The shock value of suicide terrorism and its psychological potency appear to diminish over time as the tactic becomes overused.


1980 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. G. Thomson

A UK psychiatrist draws on his earlier experience as a police surgeon in Africa to compare homicide and suicide rates among the Xhosa tribe with those of England and Wales. A consideration of depression in primitive communities may, he suggests, provide the explanation for the low suicide rate found. The article speculates whether the vastly different homicide/suicide rate found can be explained in terms of aggression and civilization.


2001 ◽  
Vol 178 (5) ◽  
pp. 469-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. M. G. McClure

BackgroundSuicide rates for England and Wales have been decreasing recently, but rates for young adult males remain high.AimsTo review changes in suicide rates for children and adolescents in England and Wales between 1970 and 1998.MethodRates for suicide, ‘accidental’ death by causes similar to suicide and ‘undetermined’ death for 10–14- and 15–19-year-olds are calculated between 1970 and 1998 using suicide data and estimated mid-year populations obtained from the Office for National Statistics.ResultsThere has been a substantial increase in suicide rate between the 1970s and the 1990s for males aged 15–19 years. This remains true even when ‘undetermined’ and ‘accidental’ death rates for causes similar to suicide are examined. The increase was associated with an increase in self-poisoning with vehicle exhaust gas in the 1980s and an increase in hanging which has continued into the 1990s. Although there was a slight decrease in the official suicide rate for females aged 15–19 years, ‘undetermined’ deaths increased. There is no indication of a major change in suicide rate in 10–14-year-olds.ConclusionsThe substantial increase in suicide rate in 15–19-year-old males may indicate increased psychosocial stress, particularly affecting this group.


1989 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas R. Chambers ◽  
John G. Harvey

The authors have calculated the suicide rate per million for individual causes of death in the Inner North London Coroner's jurisdiction and also a composite rate for all methods of self-destruction. These have been compared with the rates for England and Wales in the years 1979–1985 inclusive. Also calculated has been a total ‘non-accidental’ death rate comprising all deaths by self-destructive behaviour. For certain causes the two rates are similar but for the remainder there are wide differences. The effect of the law relating to suicide verdicts has been described and its effects discussed.


2008 ◽  
Vol 193 (5) ◽  
pp. 406-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwame McKenzie ◽  
Kamaldeep Bhui ◽  
Kiran Nanchahal ◽  
Bob Blizard

BackgroundLow rates of suicide in older men and high rates in young women have been reported in the South Asian diaspora worldwide. Calculating such suicide rates in the UK is difficult because ethnicity is not recorded on death certificates.AimsTo calculate the South Asian origin population suicide rates and to assess changes over time using new technology.MethodSuicide rates in England and Wales were calculated using the South Asian Name and Group Recognition Algorithm (SANGRA) computer software.ResultsThe age-standardised suicide rate for men of South Asian origin was lower than other men in England and Wales, and the rate for women of South Asian origin was marginally raised. In aggregated data for 1999–2003 the age-specific suicide rate in young women of South Asian origin was lower than that for women in England and Wales. The suicide rate in those over 65 years was double that of England and Wales.ConclusionsOlder, rather than younger, women of South Asian origin seem to be an at-risk group. Further research should investigate the reasons for these changes and whether these patterns are true for all South Asian origin groups.


1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 300-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Lester ◽  
CH Cantor ◽  
AA Leenaars

SummaryThe purpose of this study was to compare epidemiological trends in suicide for the three regions of the United Kingdom (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) and for Ireland from 1960 to 1990. The data on suicide rates were obtained from the World Health Organization statistical base, supplemented by data from the statistical offices of the four regions. While the suicide rates in Ireland, Northern Ireland and Scotland increased during the period under study, English/Welsh suicide rates first declined and then held steady. In Ireland, both male and female suicide rates increased, whereas in the other regions only male suicide rates rose. According to age, in England and Wales, suicide rates rose for male teenagers and young males, while for the other regions male suicide rates increased in general for all age groups. Social indicators (unemployment, marriage and birth rates) were quite successful in predicting male suicide rates in all four regions and in predicting female suicide rates in England and Wales and in Ireland. The results emphasize the importance of studying several regions in epidemiological studies in order to identify which trends are general and which are unique to one nation. In the present study, the epidemiological trends for suicide in England and Wales were quite different from those in the other three regions. In particular, the steady overall suicide rate in England and Wales and the rising suicide rate for young males alone differ from the trends observed in the other regions and raise importante questions about the causes of the social suicide rate in these four regions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 165 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-514 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. M. G. McClure

BackgroundFollowing reports of recent increases in adult male suicides in England and Wales, suicide rates for children and adolescents are reviewed.MethodBy using estimated mid-year populations for five-year age bands, the suicide rates for 10–14 year-olds and 15–19 year-olds are calculated between 1960–1990. The same method is used to obtain rates for ‘undetermined’ death and ‘accidental’ death by causes comparable to suicide.ResultsThe only group to show an increase in suicide rate since the 1970s has been males aged 15–19 years. This increase persists even when ‘undetermined’ and ‘accidental’ death rates for causes similar to suicide are examined. The increase is associated with an increase in hanging and self-poisoning with vehicle exhaust gas.ConclusionsThe increase in suicide rate in 15–19 year-old males may indicate increased psychosocial stress, particularly affecting this age/gender group.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Minkov ◽  
Michael Schachner ◽  
Carlos Sanchez ◽  
Oswaldo Morales

Studies of happiness or subjective well-being (SWB) employ a variety of conceptualizations and item formats. Some authorities prefer to focus on the cognitive or evaluative component of SWB in studies of national happiness, and consider the affective component a lesser priority. However, we show that the latter component has unique and important predictive properties. We measured the stable element of the affective component (being “usually happy and in a good mood”) in 44,096 respondents recruited probabilistically from 56 societies (nations and some ethnic groups), from all inhabited continents. Consistent with previous studies, we obtained the highest positive affect scores in the nations of northern Latin America and Africa, whereas the highest percentages of respondents “rarely in a good mood” were recorded in East Asia, Russia, Italy, and the Arab world. Our happiness measure is a significant negative predictor of national suicide rates and cigarette consumption, after controlling for other plausible predictors, including other SWB measures from the World Values Survey, Veenhoven’s World Database of Happiness, and climate and socioeconomic variables.


1975 ◽  
Vol 127 (6) ◽  
pp. 575-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivia Ross ◽  
Norman Kreitman

SummaryNational samples of case records of suicidal-type deaths from England and Wales and from Scotland were reassessed by officials in the other country. It emerged that similar criteria for suicide existed in both countries, and that there was no age-related tendency to misclassify cases. The lower official suicide rate amongst the old in Scotland was therefore considered not to result from ascertainment differences. It was also concluded that Scottish records were not so briefly documented as to prevent the conclusive ascertainment of cause by England and Wales coroners. Cases which were designated ‘undetermined’ in Scotland tended to be classified ‘accidental’ by coroners. Reasons for the lower incidence of suicide in Scotland are discussed.


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