scholarly journals Ask and Tell: The Importance of the Collection of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Data to Improve the Quality of Cancer Care for Sexual and Gender Minorities

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (8) ◽  
pp. 542-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew B. Schabath ◽  
Meghan Bowman Curci ◽  
Peter A. Kanetsky ◽  
Susan T. Vadaparampil ◽  
Vani N. Simmons ◽  
...  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daiki Hiramori ◽  
Saori Kamano

Most studies on the measurement of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) in representative surveys are conducted in Western countries. Whether the findings from these studies are applicable to countries with legal, religious, and cultural contexts regarding sexual and gender minorities distinct from Western societies is yet to be explored. To fill this gap, this paper summarizes the findings from focus groups and a pilot survey conducted to develop SOGI questions in the Japanese context. For sexual orientation identity, a six-category question that includes definition of each category, and for transgender status, a three-step method, are suggested for general use. The paper also reports on percentage distributions of SOGI by assigned sex at birth and by age group based on the Osaka City Residents' Survey, one of the first population-based surveys in Japan with SOGI questions. Overall, our findings illustrate the significance of examining the measurement of SOGI beyond Western societies.


Author(s):  
Royal G. Cravens

From the late 20th and into the early 21st centuries, scholars in the field of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) politics have produced a substantial body of literature that explores and explains the political attitudes and behavior of sexual and gender minorities. The interdisciplinary nature of the field is reflected in the broad range of approaches and theories that attempt to explain political phenomena among LGBTQ people. The majority of the literature reveals sexual minorities to be politically distinct from heterosexuals, in that sexual minorities are more ideologically liberal and, in the United States, more likely to support Democratic partisans. Largely because of heterosexism, sexual and gender minorities are also more likely to participate in political activities that directly implicate their sexual orientation or gender identity, such as volunteering with LGBTQ interest groups or attending “Pride” events, although sexual orientation and gender identity are significant predictors of a variety of attitudes and behavior. Recent research has demonstrated that LGBTQ people also participate in politics by running for office, mounting legal challenges to discriminatory laws or government actions, and collectively organizing locally, nationally, and internationally. Explanations for LGBTQ political distinctiveness have concentrated in three broad areas: selection, embeddedness, and conversion theories. While studies have provided supportive evidence for each hypothesis, the field has also increasingly turned to intersectional evaluations that admonish researchers to interrogate intragroup LGBTQ behavioral and attitudinal heterogeneity more fully. The infusion of intersectional theory into LGBTQ political research has revealed attitudinal and behavioral distinctions among sexual and gender minorities centered on axes of race and ethnicity, nationality, religion, age, and income, among others. The critical importance of disentangling the concepts of sexual orientation and gender identity, the recognition of cross-cutting structures of oppression such as homophobia, sexism, and racism, and the emergence of subfields of LGBTQ political behavior are indicative of a burgeoning field of study. Looking to the future of LGBTQ political research, the political successes of the LGBTQ movement and evolving conceptions of sexual and gender identity have necessitated a reevaluation of LGBTQ political behavior in the 21st century. The continued diffusion of same-sex marriage, the electoral capture of LGBTQ voters, and the destabilization of identity categories that has been demanded by queer theory all pose unique challenges to the future of LGBTQ politics and political mobilization around the globe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Müller ◽  
◽  
Kristen Daskilewicz ◽  
Mc Lean Kabwe ◽  
Anna Mmolai-Chalmers ◽  
...  

Abstract Objective The objective of this research was to assess physical and sexual violence experienced by sexual and gender minorities in nine African countries, and to examine factors associated with violence. Methods We conducted an exploratory multi-country cross-sectional study among self-identifying sexual and gender minorities, using a survey tool available in paper and online. Participants were sampled through venue-based and web-based convenience sampling. We analysed data using descriptive statistics and logistic regression, with Stata15. Findings Of 3798 participants, 23% were gender minorities, 20% were living with HIV, and 18% had been coerced into marriage. Fifty-six per cent of all participants had experienced physical or sexual violence in their lifetime, and 29% in the past year. Gender minorities had experienced significantly higher levels of violence compared to cisgender (sexual minority) participants. The variable most strongly associated with having experienced violence was being coerced into marriage (AOR, 3.02), followed by people living nearby knowing about one’s sexual orientation and/or gender identity (AOR, 1.90) and living with HIV (AOR, 1.47). Conclusion Sexual and gender minorities in Eastern and Southern Africa experience high levels of violence. Sexual orientation and gender identity need to be recognised as risk factors for violence in national and regional law and policy frameworks. States should follow the African Commission Resolution 275 and provide protection against violence based on real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 122-145
Author(s):  
Malte Breiding Hansen

Since 2003, the United Nations international human rights framework has moved notably toward increased international human rights recognition for sexual and gender minorities. Most recently, 2016 saw the adoption of an Independent Expert on violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Motivated by the nevertheless continued refusal by predominantly African and Middle Eastern countries to recognize any such human rights application, as well as postcolonial critiques of counterproductive moral imperialism and homonationalist strategies by proponent member States, this article asks how dynamics of member State disputes in the UN debates on SOGI-based rights may point to restraints and possibilities for achieving global human rights recognition for culturally diverse sexual and gender minorities. The article demonstrates how interand intradiscursive rules of formation in UN member State debates predicated on either universal or culturally relative readings of international human rights law reproduce normative polarization and obstruct national implementation of human rights protection for sexual and gender minorities. The article therefore finds universality truth claims to restrain transformative change, as well as represent a possibility for achieving human rights recognition through “perverse,” reiterations of the parameters of the universal, wielded from an open-ended multiplicity of sexual and gender minority expressions and articulations. A radical politics of top-down and bottom-up cultural translation is suggested as a possible strategy for human rights recognition for culturally diverse sexual and gender minorities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-457
Author(s):  
Fidelma Ashe

Abstract∞ This article contributes to a developing field of scholarship that has been concerned with exploring the impacts of conflict and its transformation on sexual and gender minorities. Drawing on extant analysis, the article explores the marginalization of issues pertaining to sexuality and gender in international law and peace agreements. It then moves on to an assessment of the effects of the integration of sexual orientation and gender identity equality provisions into a limited number of peace agreements. The article contends that attempts to implement and extend sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) equality provisions in peace agreements in meaningful ways typically become cast as justifiable, residual or reprehensible by agonistic groups at local levels during transition. It claims that this fracturing of standpoints on SOGI equality can strengthen counterhegemonic articulations of sexual and gender minorities’ identities that provoke radical versions of peacebuilding.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (40) ◽  
pp. eaba6910 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Flores ◽  
Lynn Langton ◽  
Ilan H. Meyer ◽  
Adam P. Romero

Do sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) in the United States encounter disproportionate rates of victimization as compared with their cisgender, heterosexual counterparts? Answering this question has proved elusive because nationally representative victimization data have not included victims’ sexual orientation or gender identity. The National Crime Victimization Survey, the nation’s primary source of representative information on criminal victimization, began documenting sexual orientation and gender identity in 2016 and released data publicly for the first time in 2019. We find SGMs disproportionately are victims across a variety of crimes. The rate of violent victimization for SGMs is 71.1 victimizations per 1000 people compared with 19.2 victimizations per 1000 people for those who are not SGMs. SGMs are 2.7 times more likely to be a victim of violent crime than non-SGMs. These findings raise the importance of further considering sexual orientation and gender identity in victimization and interventions.


Author(s):  
Marco Fonzo ◽  
Silvia Cocchio ◽  
Matteo Centomo ◽  
Tatjana Baldovin ◽  
Alessandra Buja ◽  
...  

Sexual and gender minorities (SGM) may experience stigma, discrimination and show higher prevalence of behavioural risk factors than heterosexual counterparts. In Italy, the information on SGM is scarce and outdated. The present cross-sectional study aims to provide a more up-to-date estimate of the SGM proportion in young adults and to assess differences in the adoption of risk behaviours compared to their heterosexual counterparts. The study involved university students aged 18–25. Information on socio-demographic and behavioural characteristics were collected. The effect of sexual orientation on risk behaviours was assessed with a multinomial single-step logistic regression analysis. A total of 9988 participants were included. Overall, 518 students (5.2%) self-identified as SGM. While lesbians showed significantly higher odds of only non-regular use of protective barriers (AOR: 11.16), bisexuals showed higher odds for frequent drinking (AOR: 2.67), smoking (AOR: 1.85), multiple sexual partnerships (AOR: 1.78) and non-regular use of protective barriers (AOR: 1.90) compared with heterosexual women. Gay men showed higher odds of multiple sexual partnerships compared with heterosexual males (AOR: 5.52). SGM accounted for 5.2% of the sample, slightly more than the proportion found in the general population, but substantially in line with similarly aged populations abroad. Our findings confirm that unhealthy risk behaviours are more frequent among LGBTQ+, in particular among bisexual women. Rather than targeting specific subpopulations, our study aims to show the need for health promotion interventions that aim at the empowerment of all students regardless of sexual orientation, being aware that SGMs can benefit to a relatively greater extent.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Maria Gallardo Nieto ◽  
Aitor Gómez González ◽  
Regina Gairal-Casadó ◽  
Maria del Mar Ramis Salas

Abstract BackgroundHate crimes have raised in Spain and the gender and sexuality-based conflict persist worldwide which leads to this problem having an effect on health and wellbeing. Following a focus of transforming Higher Education Institutions (HEI), this research focusses on analysing how this problem affects undergraduate students in six Spanish universities. The goal of this study is to improve the quality of life of LGBTQI+ University students, breaking the silence that exists about the violence that this group suffer in Catalonia, Spain.MethodsFollowing the Communicative Methodology, this study has identified violence based on sexual orientation, gender identity or expression in the target universities and provided guidelines to improve anti-discrimination protocols. A qualitative method has reached experiences of university students, heads of equality commissions, professors and administrative staff regarding this conflict. Focussing on the qualitative research tools, 30 half-structured interviews were conducted with university students, staff and professors around issues related to LGBTQI-phobic violence: 1) perception of violence and discrimination, 2) institutional measures, 3) actions against violence. An analysis of exclusionary and transformative dimensions was used to identify emergent themes. ResultsWe have identified two dimensions for the analysis: exclusionary -those that maintain the problem-, and transformative, -those that contribute to transform the problem of LGBTQI-phobia-. On the one hand, exclusionary facts have been described by participants in the study as a wide range of forms of violence against the LGBTQI+ community perpetrated at university, mainly verbal and psychological. Moreover, equality commissions have not received reports of LGBTQI-phobic violence, and university staff and professors show certain unfamiliarity regarding measures and politics to prevent and intervene in cases of violence on the grounds of sexual orientation, gender identity and gender expression. On the other hand, in the study of variables that contribute to overcoming this conflict, actions of LGBTQI groups against violence and the professors’ commitment to intervene show relevant changes in student’s wellbeing. An improvement and implementation of anti-discrimination protocols with mandatory measures has also been documented.ConclusionsFindings highlight the need for evidence that contributes to the improvement of protocols, measures and politics to protect the LGBTQI community at university. A better understanding of violence based on sexual orientation, gender identity and gender expression in HEI’s may guide national and international governments to improve the LGBTQI collectives’ health and well-being. This study provides relevant information regarding this pressing challenge and presents an important impact achieved contributing to the improvement of the quality of life of the LGBTQI+ community.Trial registrationNot applicable


Author(s):  
Tim Murphy

Research has a complicated and problematic history when it comes to the study of sexual and gender minorities (SGMs). Some past researchers exerted a great deal of effort, for example, to identify ways to treat people for homosexuality and to prevent the emergence of same-sex sexual interests. The same approach has prevailed with regard to the study of gender-variant people, namely those people who express a gender at odds with the gender socially expected of them as a matter of body type. Reconceptualizing the nature of sexual orientations and gender in more inclusive ways has led to significant changes in research involving sexual gender minorities, for both adults and minors. As a way of protecting SGMs from the effect of historical misunderstanding and possible misuse of research, some commentators have called for bans against the study of the origins of sexual orientation and gender identification and/or against the study of interventions that could modify sexual orientation or gender. It is unclear that absolute bans on these kinds of research are entirely defensible philosophically, but it is also important to frame research programs and priorities in line with the requirements of social justice. One can argue that research important to the welfare of sex and gender minorities has a strong claim to moral priority and support as a matter of status equality. This chapter will review and evaluate criticism of study of the origins of sexual and gender identification and make the case for framing research agendas in a way that serves status equality for SGMs.


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