“Marriages by the Petites Affiches”

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Mansker

AbstractFounder of the most widely known matrimonial agency in postrevolutionary France, Claude Villiaume proved his talents as an enterprising ad man who exploited the uniquely commercial format of the Parisian Petites affiches to establish a virtual monopoly on the business under the Empire. Offering to serve as a conduit for men and women who pursued love anonymously in the Petites affiches, he skillfully marketed his “marriages by the classifieds” to lonely, uprooted individuals throughout imperial France. Villiaume pitched his unions as part of a new commercial and social world of movement in Paris. He sought to facilitate the circulation of capital and people by forging family alliances and love matches across multiple social and geographic borders. By linking marital choice and courtship to the vagaries of consumer capitalism, the agent transformed marriage into a form of commercial exchange associated with the new urban values of abundance, pleasure, and social mobility.Fondateur du bureau des mariages le plus connu à l'époque de l'Empire, Claude Villiaume a fait preuve de son talent comme publicitaire dynamique qui se servait du format commercial des Petites Affiches de Paris afin d'établir un monopole sur la profession de courtier matrimonial. Il s'est proposé comme entremetteur pour les gens à la recherche d'un conjoint dans l'anonymat des petites annonces et il a mis en valeur ses « mariages par les petites affiches » aux personnes solitaires et déplacées dans la France impériale. Villiaume a proposé ses mariages dans le cadre d'un nouveau monde commercial et social marqué par la circulation rapide des personnes et des marchandises à Paris. Il a tenté de faciliter les alliances familiales et les liens amoureux au-delà des frontières géographiques et sociales. En associant le modèle du choix du conjoint et de la cour au capitalisme consumériste, l'agent a transformé le mariage en une espèce d'échange commercial lié aux valeurs urbaines de l'abondance, du plaisir, et de la mobilité sociale.

Author(s):  
Erin Maglaque

This chapter introduces the two families at the heart of the book, the Bembo and Coppo. It positions them within the social world of the Venetian patriciate and its intellectual culture. It suggests that these families experienced unusual possibilities of social mobility, which would condition their later experiences both as scholars and as imperial governors. Finally, the Introduction sets out the three primary themes of the book: humanism, empire, and family, and sketches the historiographical coordinates of each; and the limitations of studying these in isolation.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. e0191855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Sidorchuk ◽  
Anna Goodman ◽  
Ilona Koupil

Author(s):  
Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite

This chapter examines discourses of class in interviews for the Millennium Memory Bank, at the end of the 1990s. It finds similar themes to those traced in earlier chapters: ordinariness, authenticity, and ambivalence were prominent in interviewees’ testimonies—working-class, middle-class, and even upper-class. Many thought the idea of ‘classlessness’, as espoused by John Major, was attractive; none thought he had achieved this goal, but many did think class divides had declined in the post-war period, and that an ‘ordinary’ middle group was now the largest in society. This chapter also examines narratives of upward social mobility in the 1990s, suggesting that the range of important sociological studies of the ‘hidden injuries’ and cultural facets of class that appeared in that decade were shaped by the experiences of upwardly mobile men and women who knew about the dislocations of moving class because they themselves had done it.


1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M. Blee

Public attention recently has been drawn to the existence of a “gender gap” in public opinion and electoral politics in the United States. Yet the reasons for this sex difference in politics are unclear. Do men and women have differences of political orientation that are independent of social class differences or do sex differences in politics reflect different class experiences for men and women? This research uses national survey data to compare the political effects of social mobility for three groups of respondents: Males, women employed for wages outside the home, and housewives. I predict that women who are mobile by virtue of their own occupational status will have political orientations close to those of their class-of-destination, while women who are mobile by virtue of a spouse's occupation will retain political orientations similar to those of their class-of-origin. Further, I predict that the difference between the relationship of social mobility and political orientation for employed men and women will decline as women's overall labor force participation increases. In a log-linear analysis of presidential candidate selection from 1948 to 1980, I find that marital and occupational mobility do have different effects on women's political orientation, but the direction of political change across mobility statuses was not consistent. There is no convergence over time in the pattern whereby mobility status is related to political choice for men and women.


2019 ◽  
pp. 131-170
Author(s):  
Jesse E. Hoffnung-Garskof

This chapter considers why Rafael Serra and the others accepted the call to demonstrate patience and forgiveness in the name of national unity. It asks why they chose to promote the idea of a nation for all and with all as if it were José Martí's idea rather than their own and how they managed to assert themselves in the nationalist struggle without giving up their right to form independent associations or to demand equal treatment as people of color. The chapter explains that the answers to these questions are not to be found in the intricacies of Martí's writings, but instead in the social worlds built by artisan intellectuals and black migrants over the previous two decades. Men and women in this social world did not just support Martí; they helped to create him. This reveals a complex terrain of interconnected political commitments that were in play on a single extraordinary day—a day when Serra led a group of black and brown constituents to naturalize as U.S. citizens and become Republican voters.


Author(s):  
Richard Breen ◽  
Ruud Luijkx ◽  
Eline Berkers

The Netherlands is well known for a sustained and marked trend towards greater social fluidity during the twentieth century. This chapter investigates trends in mobility across birth cohorts of Dutch men and women born in the first three-quarters of the twentieth century. During this time there was also a rapid upgrading of the Dutch class structure and marked expansion of the educational. But education played only a limited role in driving the increase in social fluidity: rather it was due mostly to the growing shares of people from nonservice-class origins who lacked a tertiary qualification but nevertheless moved into service-class destinations. An oversupply of service-class positions, relative to the share of people with a tertiary qualification, allowed less-qualified men and women from less-advantaged class backgrounds to be upwardly mobile.


Author(s):  
Richard Breen ◽  
Jan O. Jonsson

Sweden was renowned for attempting a “middle way” between capitalism and socialism, with a market economy combined with ambitious policies for equalizing both opportunities and living conditions. Did this facilitate social mobility, and was equalization of educational attainment the mechanism behind it? We document increasing social mobility during a period of strong growth of higher class occupations, both for men and women, an increase that, however, tends to level off for cohorts born in the mid-1960s. We also verify that most of this development into a more socially open society was due to the equalization of educational outcomes. However, the very substantial growth of upper secondary and tertiary education also contributed, because this expansion meant that more people in younger cohorts received higher education where, in Sweden, the importance of social origin for class destinations is considerably weaker than at lower levels of education.


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rekha Mirchandani

This article investigates the place of postmodernism in sociology today by making a distinction between its epistemological and empirical forms. During the 1980s and early 1990s, sociologists exposited, appropriated, and normalized an epistemological postmodernism that thematizes the tentative, reflective, and possibly shifting nature of knowledge. More recently, however, sociologists have recognized the potential of a postmodern theory that turns its attention to empirical concerns. Empirical postmodernists challenge classical modern concepts to develop research programs based on new concepts like time-space reorganization, risk society, consumer capitalism, and postmodern ethics. But they do so with an appreciation for the uncertainty of the social world, ourselves, our concepts, and our commitment to our concepts that results from the encounter with postmodern epistemology. Ultimately, this article suggests that understanding postmodernism as a combination of these two moments can lead to a sociology whose epistemological modesty and empirical sensitivity encourage a deeper and broader approach to the contemporary social world.


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