scholarly journals Trends in Aggregate Concentration in the United States

2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J White

I assemble two rarely used data sets to measure aggregate concentration in the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s. Despite the merger waves of those decades, aggregate concentration declined in the 1980s and the early 1990s, but rose modestly in the late 1990s. The levels at the end of the decade were at or below the levels of the late 1980s or early 1990s. The average size of firm and the relative importance of larger size classes of firms increased, however. Gini coefficients for employment and payroll shares of companies showed moderate but steady increases from 1988 through 1999.

Plant Disease ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 85 (10) ◽  
pp. 1121-1121 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. Williams-Woodward ◽  
J. F. Hennen ◽  
K. W. Parda ◽  
J. M. Fowler

In August 2000, rust symptoms were observed on the leaves of daylily plants (Hemerocallis sp. cv. Pardon Me) at a nursery in Dearing, GA. Based on urediniospore characters, the pathogen was tentatively identified as Puccinia hemerocallidis Thuem. Urediniospores were globose to ellipsoid and measured 19 to 30 × 17 to 22 μm (average size of 22 × 19 μm), corresponding to the previously reported description from Japan (1). Teliospores were absent from the sample but were found on daylily plants (cv. Star Struck) with symptoms similar to cv. Pardon Me from the same nursery in Dearing beginning in October 2000. However, the teliospores differed from those in the published description in that many one-celled teliospores (i.e., mesospores), measuring 32 to 43 × 14 to 19 μm (average size of 38 × 16 μm), were produced in addition to two-celled teliospores, which measured 41 to 53 × 16 to 21 μm (average size of 46 × 18 μm). Similar mesospores were present in a slide from an isotype specimen of P. hemerocallidis (US 72719) housed in the U.S. National Fungus Collection (Beltsville, MD). Daylily plants (cv. Pardon Me) were reinoculated with urediniospores by shaking infected plants over uninfected plants and exposing plants to 100% relative humidity for 24 h. Initial symptoms of small, discrete, yellow spots and streaks on the upper surfaces of leaves developed within 3 to 7 days, and uredia with urediniospores were evident at 7 to 14 days after inoculation. Daylily rust is native to Asia and may have been introduced into Georgia on plant materials sent from Central America. The original source of daylily rust is unclear because Central American producers also purchase and import plants from the United States for propagation and then sell divisions back to U.S. growers. Daylily rust is a disease of major concern for both daylily producers and gardeners. References: (1) N. Hiratsuka, et al. The Rust Flora of Japan. Tsukuba Shuppankai, Ibaraki, Japan, 1992.


1987 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Sylla ◽  
John B. Legler ◽  
John J. Wallis

The U.S. Constitution, by taking away the power of the states to issue paper money, removed a major source of flexibility in state public finance. In their search for new sources of revenue and fiscal flexibility, the states discovered that the banks they chartered could fill the gap. Investment earnings and tax revenues derived from banks soon became major elements of state public finance. We discuss the nature of these early business-government relationships and provide the first systematic assessment of their relative importance in state finance.


1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 1212-1244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillermina Jasso ◽  
Mark R. Rosenzweig

This article considers the kinds of data required to increase scientific knowledge about U.S. immigration and, in light of those requirements, assesses the principal currently available data sets (the U.S. decennial Censuses and the administrative records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service) and makes recommendations for improving the data environment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110418
Author(s):  
Mark J. Brandt ◽  
Anthony Aron ◽  
Megan Parker ◽  
Cristina Rodas ◽  
Megan Shaffer

A regularity in the U.S. American politics is that liberals have more policy consensus than do conservatives, and both ideological groups have more consensus than moderates. One explanation for this is that conservatives’ local conformity paradoxically results in less consensus than liberals at the national level. If so, then the liberal consensus effect should also be observed in other countries. We test this using data from Europe. In the European Social Survey (country N = 38, participant N = 376,129), we find that on average leftists have more consensus than do rightists; however, we do not find this using the Eurobarometer (country N = 18, participant N = 375,830). In both data sources, we also observe variation in ideological differences between countries. These results suggest that there is a liberal/leftist consensus effect on average, that can be found in Europe and the United States, but there are also exceptions.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
Richard F. Kuisel

There are over 1,000 McDonald's on French soil. Two Disney theme parks have opened near Paris in the last two decades. And American-inspired vocabulary such as “le weekend” has been absorbed into the French language. But as former French president Jacques Chirac put it: “The U.S. finds France unbearably pretentious. And we find the U.S. unbearably hegemonic.” Are the French fascinated or threatened by America? They Americanize yet are notorious for expressions of anti-Americanism. From McDonald's and Coca-Cola to free markets and foreign policy, this book looks closely at the conflicts and contradictions of France's relationship to American politics and culture. The book shows how the French have used America as both yardstick and foil to measure their own distinct national identity. France has charted its own path: it has welcomed America's products but rejected American policies; assailed Americ's “jungle capitalism” while liberalizing its own economy; attacked “Reaganomics” while defending French social security; and protected French cinema, television, food, and language even while ingesting American pop culture. The book examines France's role as an independent ally of the United States, but he also considers the country's failures in influencing the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations. Whether investigating France's successful information technology sector or its spurning of American expertise during the AIDS epidemic, the book asks if this insistence on a French way represents a growing distance between Europe and the United States or a reaction to American globalization. Exploring cultural trends, values, public opinion, and political reality, this book delves into the complex relationship between two modern nations.


Author(s):  
Timothy Matovina

Most histories of Catholicism in the United States focus on the experience of Euro-American Catholics, whose views on social issues have dominated public debates. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the Latino Catholic experience in America from the sixteenth century to today, and offers the most in-depth examination to date of the important ways the U.S. Catholic Church, its evolving Latino majority, and American culture are mutually transforming one another. This book highlights the vital contributions of Latinos to American religious and social life, demonstrating in particular how their engagement with the U.S. cultural milieu is the most significant factor behind their ecclesial and societal impact.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 58-69
Author(s):  
Marlene Kim

Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) in the United States face problems of discrimination, the glass ceiling, and very high long-term unemployment rates. As a diverse population, although some Asian Americans are more successful than average, others, like those from Southeast Asia and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPIs), work in low-paying jobs and suffer from high poverty rates, high unemployment rates, and low earnings. Collecting more detailed and additional data from employers, oversampling AAPIs in current data sets, making administrative data available to researchers, providing more resources for research on AAPIs, and enforcing nondiscrimination laws and affirmative action mandates would assist this population.


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