scholarly journals First Report of Daylily Rust in the United States

Plant Disease ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 85 (10) ◽  
pp. 1121-1121 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. Williams-Woodward ◽  
J. F. Hennen ◽  
K. W. Parda ◽  
J. M. Fowler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Plant Materials ◽  
Original Source ◽  
Initial Symptoms ◽  
Average Size ◽  
Flora Of Japan ◽  
The U.S

In August 2000, rust symptoms were observed on the leaves of daylily plants (Hemerocallis sp. cv. Pardon Me) at a nursery in Dearing, GA. Based on urediniospore characters, the pathogen was tentatively identified as Puccinia hemerocallidis Thuem. Urediniospores were globose to ellipsoid and measured 19 to 30 × 17 to 22 μm (average size of 22 × 19 μm), corresponding to the previously reported description from Japan (1). Teliospores were absent from the sample but were found on daylily plants (cv. Star Struck) with symptoms similar to cv. Pardon Me from the same nursery in Dearing beginning in October 2000. However, the teliospores differed from those in the published description in that many one-celled teliospores (i.e., mesospores), measuring 32 to 43 × 14 to 19 μm (average size of 38 × 16 μm), were produced in addition to two-celled teliospores, which measured 41 to 53 × 16 to 21 μm (average size of 46 × 18 μm). Similar mesospores were present in a slide from an isotype specimen of P. hemerocallidis (US 72719) housed in the U.S. National Fungus Collection (Beltsville, MD). Daylily plants (cv. Pardon Me) were reinoculated with urediniospores by shaking infected plants over uninfected plants and exposing plants to 100% relative humidity for 24 h. Initial symptoms of small, discrete, yellow spots and streaks on the upper surfaces of leaves developed within 3 to 7 days, and uredia with urediniospores were evident at 7 to 14 days after inoculation. Daylily rust is native to Asia and may have been introduced into Georgia on plant materials sent from Central America. The original source of daylily rust is unclear because Central American producers also purchase and import plants from the United States for propagation and then sell divisions back to U.S. growers. Daylily rust is a disease of major concern for both daylily producers and gardeners. References: (1) N. Hiratsuka, et al. The Rust Flora of Japan. Tsukuba Shuppankai, Ibaraki, Japan, 1992.

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

Central American integration through infrastructure development: A case study of Costa Rican hydropower

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denielle M. Perry ◽  
Kate A. Berry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Market ◽  
Central American ◽  
Infrastructure Development

At the turn of the 21st century, protectionist policies in Latin America were largely abandoned for an agenda that promoted free trade and regional integration. Central America especially experienced an increase in international, interstate, and intraregional economic integration through trade liberalization. In 2004, such integration was on the agenda of every Central American administration, the U.S. Congress, and Mexico. The Plan Puebla-Panama (PPP) and the Central America Integrated Electricity System (SIEPAC), in particular, aimed to facilitate the success of free trade by increasing energy production and transmission on a unifi ed regional power grid (Mesoamerica, 2011). Meanwhile, for the United States, a free trade agreement (FTA) with Central America would bring it a step closer to realizing a hemispheric trade bloc while securing market access for its products. Isthmus states considered the potential for a Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) with the United States, their largest trading partner, as an opportunity to enter the global market on a united front. A decade and a half on, CAFTA, PPP, and SIEPAC are interwoven, complimentary initiatives that exemplify a shift towards increased free trade and development throughout the region. As such, to understand one, the other must be examined.

U.S. Guns Kill U.S. Nuns

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-130
Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central America ◽  
Central American ◽  
White House ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Church ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the murders of the churchwomen and how Reagan officials' critiques, which revealed that intra-Catholic conflict had become an integral part of United States–Central America policy with Reagan's ascension to the White House. It looks at remarks that bolster the Salvadoran junta's reputation or diminish the murders' impact on the protest movement against U.S. policy. It also discusses that the murdered churchwomen symbolized the church's championing of the poor and a U.S. foreign policy that was morally corrupt and politically unsound for training and arming their killers. The chapter cites that two murdered Maryknollers were members of a Catholic order and represented a dangerous trajectory for U.S. foreign policy and the church. It elaborates how the U.S. government aligned with conservative U.S. and Central American Catholics and amplified their perspective.

Buffering North America

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-159
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
The United States ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Central Americans ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
The U.S

Washington and Ottawa have tried to keep out most of the Central Americans fleeing to North America beginning in the civil wars of the 1980s. Central America and Mexico buffer the United States, which in turn buffers Canada. The U.S. government has propped up client states in Central America; paid for refugee camps; and provided training, equipment, and financing for migration controls further south. Mexico has weak rights of territorial personhood, so rather than strictly controlling entry across its southern border, its entire territory has become a “vertical frontier” with the United States. Aggressive U.S. enforcement at the Mexican border traps transit migrants in Mexico and creates an incentive for the Mexican government to deport them. But harsh U.S. enforcement on its border and the fact that it targets Mexicans as well as third-country nationals impedes the bilateral cooperation that would make Mexico a more effective buffer.

scholarly journals Trends in Aggregate Concentration in the United States

2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J White
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Gini Coefficients ◽  
Size Classes ◽  
Aggregate Concentration ◽  
Average Size ◽  
The U.S

I assemble two rarely used data sets to measure aggregate concentration in the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s. Despite the merger waves of those decades, aggregate concentration declined in the 1980s and the early 1990s, but rose modestly in the late 1990s. The levels at the end of the decade were at or below the levels of the late 1980s or early 1990s. The average size of firm and the relative importance of larger size classes of firms increased, however. Gini coefficients for employment and payroll shares of companies showed moderate but steady increases from 1988 through 1999.

Securing Central America Against Communism: The United States and the Modernization of Surveillance in the Cold War

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Holden
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Central America ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Sponsored Programs ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The US.-sponsored programs of military and police collaboration with the Central American governments during the Cold War also contributed to the surveillance capacity of those states during the period when the Central American state formation process was being completed. Guatemala is used as a case study. Washington’s contribution was framed by the conventional discourse of “security against communism” but also by an underlying technocratic ethos in which “modernization” and “security” were higher priorities than democratization.

Frost tolerance of Liquidambar styraciflua native to the United States, Mexico, and Central America

1971 ◽  
Vol 49 (9) ◽  
pp. 1551-1558 ◽  
Author(s):  
George J. Williams, III ◽  
Calvin McMillan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Frost Tolerance ◽  
Liquidambar Styraciflua ◽  
United States Mexico ◽  
Amo 1618 ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Collection Sites ◽  
Selection Of

Seedlings derived from field-collected seed from the United States, Mexico, and Central America were tested for frost hardiness under laboratory conditions. U.S. seedlings grown under four controlled conditions demonstrated greatest frost hardening under cool temperatures and short day lengths. Seedlings representing northernmost U.S. collection sites developed greater frost tolerance than seedlings representing southern U.S. collection sites. In comparing United States, Mexico, and Central America seedlings, the U.S. material showed greatest frost tolerance with Mexico and Central America demonstrating similar hardiness. The application of plant hormones (natural gibberellic acid and artificial AMO-1618) produced opposite effects on U.S. seedlings derived from Connecticut and Florida seed. The Connecticut seedlings demonstrated greatest frost tolerance in all treatments. Demonstrated frost tolerance differences among United States, Mexico, and Central America populations strongly indicate selection of frost hardy races in habitats with severe frost conditions.

scholarly journals U.S. Migration Policy Radicalization (2017-2019): Case of Mexico and Central America

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-118
Author(s):  
Arkadiy Alekseevich Eremin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Political Economic

This article is an attempt to critically analyze the policy of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump regarding the southern border of the USA with Mexico. The paper analyzes the approach of Washington under the administration of D. Trump to the problem of the joint border between USA and Mexico, as well as conducts a comprehensive assessment of the main programs underlying the most pressing changes in D. Trumps policy in this area. In particular, the paper focuses on the structure of migration flows between 2017 and 2019, as well as on the reasons behind those changes. The author looks at the root causes of the unprecedented increase in the flow of potential migrants and refugees, and correlates them with the ongoing political, economic and humanitarian crises in the Central American sub-region. An important focus is given to the increasing role of Mexico in the settlement of this issue, as well as to the potential impact of such cooperation between the authorities of the United States and Mexico on the situation in Central America and Latin America in general. The significance of this paper is determined by the objective necessity of academic evaluation of the Donald Trumps administration impact on the United States governmental and foreign policy course. The author argues that the approach of the 45th president of the United States regarding traditionally sensitive issues like US - Mexico border control and migration has been mostly based on coercive tactics with obvious disregard towards social basis and root-causes of the issue at hand. One of the most distinguished traits of this approach is the practice of outsourcing managing the problem of refugees from Central America to the border-country, which in this specific case is Mexico.

Central America-US Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan D. McCormick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Main Element ◽  
Democratic Capitalism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War

Since gaining independence in 1823, the states comprising Central America have had a front seat to the rise of the United States as a global superpower. Indeed, more so than anywhere else, the United States has sought to use its power to shape Central America into a system that heeds US interests and abides by principles of liberal democratic capitalism. Relations have been characterized by US power wielded freely by officials and non-state actors alike to override the aspirations of Central American actors in favor of US political and economic objectives: from the days of US filibusterers invading Nicaragua in search of territory; to the occupations of the Dollar Diplomacy era, designed to maintain financial and economic stability; to the covert interventions of the Cold War era. For their part, the Central American states have, at various times, sought to challenge the brunt of US hegemony, most effectively when coordinating their foreign policies to balance against US power. These efforts—even when not rejected by the United States—have generally been short-lived, hampered by economic dependency and political rivalries. The result is a history of US-Central American relations that wavers between confrontation and cooperation, but is remarkable for the consistency of its main element: US dominance.

Central America’s vaccine efforts face mixed prospects

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
World Health ◽  
Business Travel ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The World ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
Roll Out

Significance Elsewhere in the region, only Panama has so far received a first vaccine shipment, suggesting roll-outs initially will be patchy. Central American governments are sourcing their vaccines either through direct purchases from manufacturers or through programmes run by the World Health Organization (WHO). Impacts A black market is likely to emerge both for vaccines and vaccination certificates. Poorer countries will receive more vaccine support once roll-outs have advanced in wealthier countries globally, but this may take time. Vaccine roll-out in the United States will benefit Central America in terms of tourism, business travel and investment recovery.

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