scholarly journals La influencia del contexto intelectual, artístico y literario en el Schlager de la República de Weimar

2013 ◽  
pp. 127-151
Author(s):  
Juan Fadrique Fernández Martínez
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
Popular Song ◽  
Nineteen Twenties ◽  
Literary Context ◽  
The First World War ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Song Lyrics ◽  
The Many ◽  
First World

: The German Schlager reached one of its peaks in the nineteen twenties. The democratic regime between the First World War and Hitler’s takeover of power, with its controversial intellectuals, its vigour and creativity within all artistic genres, the birth of new literary trends, appearance of new fashion as well as the implantation of mass culture, consequently led to the genre of Schlager songs and its popularity. This actual work has included trawling through the many lyrics of these songs to show the influence of its time in the intellectual, artistic and literary context. This golden age of the Schlager coincides with the inflation in 1923, the world economic crisis in 1929, and the release of the sound movies and finally it slowed down with the Nazi takeover of political power. Whereas the majority of the songs do not participate with much cultural value in the sense that did for instance the theatres in Berlin at the time, other songs show a taste for the playful type Dadaist and others again amuse with a more spicy text. All in all they include a great variety of song lyrics which favourably enriches the genre of the German popular song.

Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Records ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World ◽  
Front Movement

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.

The ‘civic religion’ of the Resistance in post-war Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Gundle
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
Significant Degree ◽  
Artistic Representations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Civic Religion ◽  
Post War ◽  
Economic Boom ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
High Degree ◽  
First World

SummaryThe problem of the legitimacy or otherwise of the Resistance tradition in post-war Italy has been addressed in recent years mainly in terms of the role of the partisan struggle and its political legacy. This article aims to assess the tradition in terms of commemorative practices, rituals, artistic representations and monuments. It seeks to evaluate whether the Resistance gave rise to a civic religion that may be compared to those which existed in the Liberal period, based on the heroic struggles and figures of the Risorgimento, and the Fascist period, which drew on the feelings of loss and injustice that followed the First World War. It is argued that, although the Resistance lacked, prior to the 1960s, a high degree of official sponsorship, it did acquire some of the features of a civic religion. Its appeal was mainly limited to the regions administered by the Left which had seen a significant degree of Resistance activity in 1943-5. Even here, however, it was difficult to sustain the tradition as a key feature of community life during and after the economic boom: the eclipse of public culture, the decline of public mourning and the development of commercial leisure and mass culture all served to deprive it of meaning. Although intellectuals, politicians and ex-partisans reacted to this situation, the visual and rhetorical languages associated with the commemoration of the Resistance became increasingly divorced from everyday life and dominant social values.

Archaeology, Material Worlds, and the Arab Revolt

2020 ◽  
pp. 12-31
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
World War ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Conflict Archaeology ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Many ◽  
First World

This chapter looks at how the timely development of an interdisciplinary archaeology (modern conflict archaeology) of the First World War from the late 1990s offered a comprehensive and nuanced way of investigating the many interlocking military and cultural aspects of the Arab Revolt and its aftermath. Ephemeral archaeological traces in the sands of southern Jordan, it was hoped, would speak to the origins of modern guerrilla warfare which itself contributed to the shaping of the Middle East after 1918. The new approach showed the power of objects to create and transmit impressions and evaluations of the Revolt and its personalities—not least by the catalysing effects of finding similar items during excavations of the original landscapes whence all such objects derived their historical significance. The desert, so apparently empty of information and insight, would prove to be full of both. The key to deciphering its archaeological message lay in understanding the landscape, its layers and its objects—a quest which began with the largest artefact of all, the Hejaz Railway.

Abiding memories: the community singing movement and English social life in the 1920s

Popular Music ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVE RUSSELL
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
First World War ◽  
Popular Song ◽  
World War ◽  
Musical Life ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Press ◽  
Community Singing ◽  
First World

AbstractThe community singing movement was a distinctive feature of English popular musical life in the mid-1920s. Although initiated by individuals who saw it as essentially educational, it was rapidly appropriated by sections of the press, and especially the Daily Express, as an instrument in the circulation wars of the period. It was typified by a restricted range of music comprising ‘national’ songs, hymns (with the performance of ‘Abide with Me’ at the FA Cup Final singing particularly important), and songs of the First World War. This mixture and the concomitant neglect of modern popular song reflects the rather nostalgic thrust behind activities, with calls for community singing to recreate a ‘Merrie England’ that would heal the deep social divisions of the 1920s. Whether the singers were fully aware of these various musical and socio-political agendas is unclear, but community singing undoubtedly enjoyed a period of considerable popularity, with the music appreciated for allowing displays of individual and collective emotion.

Britain's Policy-Making Elite, the Naval Disarmament Puzzle, and Public Opinion, 1927–1932

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-644
Author(s):  
Gregory C. Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Difficult Problem ◽  
Simple Explanation ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Peace Activists ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Security Problem ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Key Events ◽  
First World

Between 1927 and 1932, the policy-making elite of the British Government was presented with a difficult problem. Postwar attempts to explain the origins of the First World War had resulted in the belief that arms production and competition had largely been responsible for instigating the conflict. Such a view became accepted by the general public in Britain. Specifically, the pre-1914 naval competition between Germany and Great Britain was thought to be one of the key events that had contributed directly to the outbreak of the war. Such fears concerning naval armaments were touted by peace activists as having been instrumental in assuring the success of the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–22. Yet, this simple explanation does not adequately illustrate the intricate and complex connections that were made between naval armaments and other issues related to Britain's international affairs. Rather than the simple possession of naval arms, British leaders feared that other pressing issues would lead to a re-occurrence of hostilities. Questions concerning world oil supplies, reparations, war debts, tariffs, the value of the pound and the gold standard, and, particularly, belligerent rights and freedom of the seas, were all viewed as having the potential to generate another international conflict. Thus, the existence of armaments themselves was not Britain's primary security problem from the perspective of the policy-making elite. Rather, their common cause was how to protect Britain's position as the center of a world economic system. Safeguarding Britain's own stable position as a focus that provided leadership for the rest of the world was seen as the logical step to ensuring global stability. In order to create an atmosphere of goodwill and security that was necessary to prevent volatile issues from exploding, the British governing elite treated naval arms talks and naval armaments as a form of currency in the realm of international relations.

The Werkbund: Design Theory & Mass Culture before the First World War

1998 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 612
Author(s):  
Joan Campbell ◽  
Frederic J. Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
Design Theory ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

‘Not appreciated in Worthing?’ Class expression and popular song texts in mid-nineteenth-century Britain

Popular Music ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 5-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vic Gammon
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
First World War ◽  
Popular Song ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World ◽  
Song Texts

Recent research shows that the English folksong collectors, who were active before the First World War, systematically selected what they took down from rural working-class singers, basing their selection on what they considered to be worth preserving from such singers' repertories. Their work, then, can only give us a biased and highly mediated impression of popular singing traditions (see Harker 1972 and 1982; Gammon 1980). The purpose of this article is to see if it is possible to go beyond the work of the collectors, to try to grasp something of the wholeness of popular nineteenth-century singing traditions, and also to situate those traditions socially.

scholarly journals Wicked Wilhelmites and Sauer Krauts: The New Zealand Reception of Ernst Lissauer’s “Hymn of Hate”

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Smith
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Local Responses ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Greeting Cards ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World ◽  
New Zealanders

When the German poet Ernst Lissauer published his anti-English poem “Haßgesang gegen England” in the early weeks of the First World War, the effect was electric. The poem, translated into English and dubbed the “Hymn of Hate,” echoed around the globe, reaching as far as New Zealand where newspapers sedulously followed its international reception and published local responses. Given the nature of New Zealand’s relationship to Britain and the strength of the international press links, it is not surprising that news of the poem reached New Zealand in the early months of the war. However, the sheer volume of coverage given to a single German war poem in New Zealand’s press over the course of the war and after, as well as the many and varied responses to that poem by New Zealanders both at home and serving overseas, are surprising. This article examines the broad range of responses to Lissauer’s now forgotten poem by New Zealanders during the Great War and after, from newspaper reports, editorials and cartoons, to poetic parodies, parliamentary speeches, enterprising musical performances and publications, and even seasonal greeting cards.

scholarly journals Overlooking British experiences: a reply to Evershed

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-559
Author(s):  
Matthew Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Core ◽  
Actual Experience ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Many ◽  
First World

Jonathan Evershed presents a compelling account of the clear dangers that lie in forms of state-led remembrance. The danger is, of course, that, in commemorating, actual experience is lost. While I do not wish to challenge any of the core claims in the piece, I do think that there is one element that requires greater examination: Evershed’s claim that contemporary Irish conceptions of the First World War as ‘A war that stopped a war’ ‘contributes to a (post)colonial and militaristic nostalgia in British political culture’. While the dangers of that for Northern Ireland are clear, perhaps the greatest risks lie in England, since any such benign account of the conflict serves radically to distort the experience of those soldiers commonly regarded as identifying as British and painted as being motivated by patriotism. Drawing on experience from Tyneside, I argue that, in considering the nature of that conflict, we must remember the many diverse, and often banal, reasons for working class engagement in conflict.

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