The Rate and Costs Attributable to Intravenous Patient-Controlled Analgesia Errors

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 312-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Meissner ◽  
Winnie Nelson ◽  
Rodney (Rod) Hicks ◽  
Vanja Sikirica ◽  
Josh Gagne ◽  
...  

Purpose To estimate the rates and costs of intravenous patient-controlled analgesia (IV PCA) errors from the hospital or integrated health system perspective. Methods This study used a cost-accounting methodology to estimate the costs attributable to IV PCA errors in the United States. Data for the study were obtained from the MEDMARX and Manufacturer and User Facility Device Experience (MAUDE) datasets, published literature, and expert opinions. MEDMARX is a voluntary, anonymous, medication-error-reporting database owned and operated by the United States Pharmacopeia. MAUDE is a mandatory, device-error-reporting database maintained by the US Food and Drug Administration. Levels of care rendered as a result of the IV PCA errors were estimated by applying clinical assumptions (validated by an expert advisory panel) to each of the 7 error consequences considered in this analysis. Variable and opportunity costs (2006 values) were considered, including medication, laboratory, lost revenue, and labor. The corresponding costs were applied to the error consequences to derive the estimated mean cost for each error cause. The numbers of errors documented in each dataset and the published literature were used to extrapolate the rate of IV PCA errors annually. Results The average cost per error event was $733 in the MEDMARX dataset and $552 in the MAUDE dataset. Harmful IV PCA errors were 120 to 250 times more costly than nonharmful errors. The annual error rates were estimated as 407 IV PCA-related errors and 17 device-related errors per 10,000 people within the United States. Conclusion: Analysis of 2 datasets, MEDMARX and MAUDE, revealed that IV PCA medication- and device-related errors are costly to hospitals and integrated health systems and represent a significant burden on the US health system. This study provided a novel approach to estimating the associated costs of undesired IV PCA-related events. Additional research is needed to validate the methodology (as applied to this area) and results.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiban Khuntia ◽  
Xue Ning ◽  
Wayne Cascio ◽  
Rulon Stacey

BACKGROUND The COVID-19 pandemic, with all its virus variants, remains a serious situation. Health systems across the United States are trying their best to respond. The healthcare workforce remains relatively homogenous, even though they are caring for a highly diverse array of patients (6-12). It is a perennial problem in the US healthcare workforce that has only been accentuated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Medical workers should reflect the variety of patients they care for and strive to understand their mindsets within the larger contexts of culture, gender, sexual orientation, religious beliefs, and socioeconomic realities. Along with talent and skills, diversity and inclusion (D&I) are essential for maintaining a workforce that can treat the myriad needs and populations that health systems serve. Developing hiring strategies in a post-COVID-19 “new normal” that will help achieve greater workforce diversity remains a challenge for health system leaders. OBJECTIVE Our primary objectives are (1) to explore the characteristics and perceived benefits of US health systems that value D&I; (2) to examine the influence of a workforce strategy designed to balance talent and D&I; and (3) to explore three pathways to better equip workforces and their relative influences on business- and service-oriented benefits: (a) improving D&I among existing employees (IMPROVE), (b) using multiple channels to find and recruit a workforce (RECRUIT), and (c) collaborating with universities to find new talent and establish plans to train students (COLLABORATE). METHODS During February–March 2021, we surveyed 625 health system chief executive officers, in the United States, 135 (22%) of whom responded. We assessed workforce talent and diversity-relevant factors. We collected secondary data from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality’s (AHRQ) Compendium of the US. Health Systems, leading to a matched data set of 124 health systems for analysis. We first explored differences in talent and diversity benefits across the health systems. Then, we examined the relationship between IMPROVE, RECRUIT, and COLLABORATE pathways to equip the workforce. RESULTS Health system characteristics, such as size, location, ownership, teaching, and revenue, have varying influences on D&I and business and service outcomes. RECRUIT has the most substantial mediating effect on diversity-enabled business- and service-oriented outcomes of the three pathways. This is also true of talent-based workforce acquisitions. CONCLUSIONS Diversity and talent plans can be aligned to realize multiple desired benefits for health systems. However, a one-size-fits-all approach is not a viable strategy for improving D&I. Health systems need to follow a multipronged approach based on their characteristics. To get D&I right, proactive plans and genuine efforts are essential.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-79.e1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jove H. Graham ◽  
Robert J. Sanchez ◽  
Joseph J. Saseen ◽  
Usha G. Mallya ◽  
Mary P. Panaccio ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 232020682110301
Author(s):  
Colleen Watson ◽  
Laura Rhein ◽  
Stephanie M. Fanelli

Aim: To compare following the Cuban Revolution, Cuba’s economy and civil society was transformed by the initiation of a program of nationalization and political consolidation. The Cuban government operates a national health system and assumes fiscal and administrative responsibility for the healthcare of its citizens. Other industrialized nations continue to surpass the US in health-related outcomes indicating areas of improvement in its healthcare system. Assessing the successes and failures as well as the advantages and disadvantages of other countries’ healthcare systems may be instrumental in the development of modifications to the organization and delivery system of healthcare in the US. This paper aims to report the information attained from previous literature as well as from first-hand observations from a public health trip to Cuba in order to compare the healthcare systems in Cuba and the United States. Materials and Methods: A group of New York University College of Dentistry faculty and students traveled to Cuba in April 2019 for professional research and professional meetings (CFR 515.564). While in Cuba, the researchers took written notes of the lecture-based material and conversations. Upon return to the United States, published literature was searched for the collection of any additional data and all qualitative data and quantitative data was compiled and organized. Since 1959, Cuba has made continuous adjustments and improvements to its universal, free and accessible healthcare system. Results: There have been notable improvements to the country’s public health status, such as the implementation of an immunization program and subsequent eradication of communicable diseases, such as polio and rubella. Additionally, the implementation of the National Program on Dentistry guarantees dental care to all Cuban children under the age of 19. Today, the Cuban National Health System (NHS) initiatives have evolved to combat the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. Conclusion: Recognizing the advantages as well as the disadvantages of the Cuba’s National Health System (NHS) would be useful for future policymakers in the United States. Cuban approaches to health could be tailored to the United States environment to improve healthcare effectiveness and population health status in the future.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-12
Author(s):  
M. Kawaguchi-Suzuki ◽  
J. Merlo ◽  
S. White ◽  
R. Gibbard ◽  
L. Ly ◽  
...  

Introductory Pharmacy Practice Experiences (IPPEs) provide early experiential education in the Doctor of Pharmacy (Pharm.D.) curriculum in the United States (US). In response to Oregon's ‘Stay Home, Save Lives’ executive order issued during the COVID-19 pandemic, an online health-system IPPE course was developed to simulate the practice experiences that have historically been conducted in person. This case study describes experience from the online health-system IPPE course offered for incoming second-year student pharmacists enrolled in a three-year Pharm.D. programme at Pacific University in Oregon, US. The goals of the course were: 1) to expose students to pharmacy practice common in health-system settings in the US; and 2) for students to earn 50 experiential clock hours through simulation activities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Cheng-Wei Huang ◽  
Prashant P. Desai ◽  
Kenneth K. Wei ◽  
In-Lu Amy Liu ◽  
Janet S. Lee ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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