Social Movements and the Social Construction of Human Rights

1999 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 980-1008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Stammers
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Oliver

This paper draws on work in the social construction of race and ethnicity to explain why race/ethnic divisions are so often axes of domination and why these divisions are central to social movements. (1) Ethnic/racial groups are constructed in political processes that are tied to state formation and social movements. Many states (including the United States) have an ethnic/racial bias or footprint in their construction. Ethnic/racial groups that are numerical majorities have an advantage in determining state policies and state actions that advantage dominant groups over subordinate groups, create chains of interrelations that amplify differences in power and privilege, and take actions to prohibit or prevent reparations or redress for these past actions. (2) Network isolation and intergenerational transmission interact with structures of domination to reproduce domination over time. “Ethnicity” matters when ethnic boundaries are relatively sharp, consequential, and highly correlated with domination structures and social networks. Strong “ethnic” boundaries tend to divide societies into majorities and minorities. (3) Dominant groups develop and reproduce cultures of domination that include both hostile and benign paternalistic relations with other groups. Subordinate groups develop and reproduce cultures that intermingle opposition and submission. Collective identities are both imposed from without by the actions of others and asserted from within. Identities and cultural practices are developed collectively within social networks and influenced by the actions and speech of political actors, including social movements. (4) Regardless of whether their goals are group-oriented or issue-oriented, all movements in an ethnically-divided or ethnically-hierarchical society have an “ethnic” dimension in the sense that they draw from or map onto one or more ethnic groups. Movements arising from privileged “ethnic” majorities have different dynamics from movements by disadvantaged “ethnic” minorities or mixed-ethnic movements. Processes of group formation derived from theories of the social construction of ethnicity illuminate other movement-relevant group formation processes, including class formation and political subcultures. Lying at the intersection of the sociology of social movements and the sociology of race and ethnicity, the “ethnic” dimensions are revealed as a lens for understanding the general problems of group and identity formation and collective mobilization that lie at the heart of both areas.Presented at the 2016 meeting of the American Sociological Association. NOTE: The uploaded version is now a preprint of the 2017 published version, which is a substantial revision of the 2016 ASA version.


Author(s):  
Juan Péchin

The Argentinian territorialization of the queer perspective articulated the academy with social, TLGB and human rights movements. Empowered by trans/transvestite policies against police and institutional repression, the queer critique made visible the hierarchy produced by the sex-generic differences through the social maps traced by the class, ethnic and age stratifications. The law that expanded marriage irrespective of the sex of its partners (2010) and the Gender Identity Law (2012), among others, challenge and impact the institutional implementation of Integral Sexual Education in the face of the tension between the identitarian normalization of differences and the systematic questioning and disassembly of (a)normalization dynamics. This work proposes a political genealogy of the first territorializations of the queer perspective in Argentina to reflect on the articulation of activism and social movements with the institutional mechanisms of production, legitimation and circulation of knowledge in a sex-generic key.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra

This article discusses Indonesian cyber society active­ties and its configuration on social media which considered being able to encourage social movements, for instance Defen­ding Islam Action, subsequently well known as ‘Defending Islam Action 212’. This article argues that netizens' activities on social media turned out to involve various class variants and social status and are able to encourage the ' Defending Islam Action’. Moreover, the social formation and activities of netizens on the social media constitute the prospects for the social construction of the cosmopolitan Muslim community in Indonesia. The portrait of Indonesian cosmopolitan Muslim is seen as a cong­re­gation of citizens compelled by their religious awareness, regardless of social, political, economic boundaries and even inter-religiosity which reveres universal principles of humanity.


Refuge ◽  
1998 ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Maryanna Schmuki

This paper explores the social construction of women refugees from the perspective of the human rights regime with an eye to revealing whether the voices of refugee women are reflected. To this end the paper examines the development of women refugees as a category within human rights discourse and how this category has been bolstered by the concept of women's human rights within the last decade.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orlando Aragón Andrade

El 2 de noviembre de 2011 la Sala Superior del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación emitió una resolución a favor del municipio indígena de Cherán en la que por primera vez en la historia del Estado mexicano reconoció el derecho de un municipio indígena para elegir a una autoridad municipal conformada de acuerdo a sus “usos y costumbres”. Esta sentencia que ha sido considerada paradigmática en materia de derechos humanos de los pueblos indígenas en realidad fue el corolario de un extraordinario proceso social que trastocó la escena política de Michoacán en plena coyuntura electoral. En este trabajo reflexiono a partir de mi experiencia como abogado de la comunidad de Cherán en el proceso judicial citado y como participante de este proceso los alcances y los límites del uso del derecho en los movimientos sociales de los pueblos indígenas de México.palabras clave: Cherán, derechos humanos, “usos y costumbres” y uso críticodel derecho.---LAW IN UPRISING: The counter-hegemonic use of law in the Purepecha movement of CheranOn November 2nd, 2011, the Electoral Court of the Judicial Power of the Federation in México, issued a resolution in favor of the indigenous town of Cherán. For the first time in México’s history, the state recognized an indigenous municipality’s right to elect a municipal authority formed according to their “uses and customs”. This judgment, which has been considered paradigmatic for indigenous peoples’ human rights, was actually the culmination of a remarkable social process that disrupted Michoacán’s political scene, while in full electoral conjuncture. Parting from my experience as a lawyer of the community of Cherán in said judicial process, and as a participant of it, I reflect in this paper on the scope and the limits of the use of law by the social movements of México’s indigenous peoples.keywords: Cherán, human rights, “customary”, and law’s critical use.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra

This article discusses Indonesian cyber society active­ties and its configuration on social media which considered being able to encourage social movements, for instance Defen­ding Islam Action, subsequently well known as ‘Defending Islam Action 212’. This article argues that netizens' activities on social media turned out to involve various class variants and social status and are able to encourage the ' Defending Islam Action’. Moreover, the social formation and activities of netizens on the social media constitute the prospects for the social construction of the cosmopolitan Muslim community in Indonesia. The portrait of Indonesian cosmopolitan Muslim is seen as a cong­re­gation of citizens compelled by their religious awareness, regardless of social, political, economic boundaries and even inter-religiosity which reveres universal principles of humanity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Oliver ◽  
Hank Johnston

Frame theory is often credited with "bringing ideas back in" social movement studies, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. The older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of events. Ideology is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, they can embrace frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social movements can only be understood by linking social psychological and political sociology concepts and traditions, not by trying to rename one group in the language of the other.


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