New World News, Ancient Echoes: A Cortés Letter and a Vernacular Livy for a New King and His Wary Subjects (1520–23)*

2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 711-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Wright

Empire building converges with print innovations in the rare Zaragoza edition (1523) of the landmark “Second Letter from Mexico” of Hernán Cortés. The Aragonese print shop owned by German immigrant George Coçi advertised what, to its first interpreters, was stunning news from a still mysterious place overseas with woodblocks drawn from their 1520 edition of Livy'sHistory of Rome. An examination of the political, social, and editorial contexts that informed these two books addressed to Charles V casts light on concerns about how the new Spanish king would communicate with his subjects in an age of imperial expansion.

Antiquity ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 66 (250) ◽  
pp. 153-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. Sheridan

The Spanish conquest of the Americas was one of the most dramatic cultural and biological transformations in the history of the world. Small groups of conquistadores toppled enormous empires. Millions of Native Americans died from epidemic disease. Old World animals and plants revolutionized Native American societies, while New World crops fundamentally altered the diet and land-tenure of peasants across Europe. In the words of historian Alfred Crosby (1972: 3),The two worlds, which God had cast asunder, were reunited, and the two worlds, which were so very different, began on that day [I1 October 14921 to become alike.


Author(s):  
J. Brian Freeman ◽  
Guillermo Guajardo Soto

In his 1950 study, Mexico: The Struggle for Peace and Bread, historian Frank Tannenbaum remarked that “physical geography could not have been better designed to isolate Mexico from the world and Mexicans from one another.” He recognized, like others before him, that the difficulty of travel by foot, water, or wheel across the country’s troublesome landscape was an unavoidable element of its history. Its distinctive topography of endless mountains but few navigable rivers had functioned, in some sense, as a historical actor in the larger story of Mexico. In the mid-19th century, Lucas Alamán had recognized as much when he lamented that nature had denied the country “all means of interior communication,” while three centuries before that, conquistador Hernán Cortés reportedly apprised Emperor Charles V of the geography of his new dominion by presenting him with a crumpled piece of paper. Over the last half-millennium, however, technological innovation, use, and adaptation radically altered how humans moved in and through the Mexican landscape. New modes of movement—from railway travel to human flight—were incorporated into a mosaic of older practices of mobility. Along the way, these material transformations were entangled with changing economic, political, and cultural ideas that left their own imprint on the history of travel and transportation.


Author(s):  
Sylvia Houghteling

In 1546, the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V commissioned a tapestry series to commemorate his successful 1535 campaign against Sultan Suleiman I’s Ottoman forces in the North African trading city of Tunis. The Conquest of Tunis tapestries have been regarded as a metaphorical statement of Charles V’s role as the defender of Christendom against Ottoman encroachment. However, the history of their production undercuts any simplistic formulation of his empire, with the metal for threads arriving from the New World and silks procured from forcibly converted Muslim artisans in Granada. The seeming clarity of the tapestries’ meaning obscures the heterogeneity of Charles’s empire, as well as the tension, and potential for perceived contamination, between the materials and the iconography of the tapestry medium.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela K. Gilbert

In the mid-1800s, two significant and widelyread Chartist poems appeared, both written in prison by Chartist organizers, and both using the epic form to interrogate the present, body forth a utopian future, and rewrite a history conceived both as broadly human and specifically national. These long poems, Thomas Cooper'sPurgatory of Suicides(1845) and Ernest Jones'sThe New World, first published in 1851 and then republished after 1857 as theRevolt of Hindostan, have much to tell us about how radicals envisioned the history of Britain, its relationship with empire, and the fulfillment of the ends of history. Cooper's poem proceeds in ten books, written in Spenserian stanzas, in which he dreams of visiting a purgatory of suicides: mythical and historical personages who have committed suicide debate the reasons for their condition and the condition of the world. Jones's poem was written in couplets, supposedly on the torn pages of a prayer book, in his own blood. The poem surveys the rise and fall of multiple empires, and also surveys recent political history closer to home. The two poems look to the past and the future, to universal history and its end. They thus participate in utopian political discourse, with its emphasis on the end of history, as well as the epic tradition. Both utopian and epic discourse in this period were affiliated with specifically national narratives, and the internationalist and universal elements of the poems sometimes inhabit these genres uneasily. Additionally, both poets attend to the religious tradition of eschatological discourse that underlies the secular notion of the end of history, and work to reconcile it with the political vision they are promoting. These writers use unique combinations of spatial and temporal frames to achieve the reconciliation of their diverse goals with the genres and discourses that they claim and transform.


1978 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Lacerte

Between 1791 when the Haitian revolution began, and the death of Henri Christophe in 1820, important economic changes occurred in Haiti which transformed one of the most prosperous plantation economies in the New World into a republic of peasant proprietors. While the political history of the revolution has received a moderate amount of attention, the economic and social changes which accompanied it have been poorly understood. It is the purpose of this study to focus on the internal developments which were occurring in an irresistible way to bring about a peasant economy and to delineate the responses of a variety of governments, both French and Haitian, to try to halt these changes.


Africa ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law

Opening ParagraphThe recent appearance of a monograph by a social anthropologist, Peter Lloyd, on The Political Development of Yoruba Kingdoms in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries is likely to arouse considerable interest among historians of Africa, whose appetites have been whetted by adumbrations of his interpretation in some of his earlier publications. Lloyd traces the political development of the kingdom of Oyo through its period of imperial expansion in the eighteenth century until its collapse in the 1830s, and of five Yoruba states in the nineteenth century—Ibadan, Ado Ekiti, Abeokuta, Iwo, and Ilorin. He seeks to apply to the history of these states a model of the process whereby ‘tribal kingdoms’ develop into ‘highly centralised monarchies’. A ‘tribal kingdom’ is defined as one in which ‘political power…rests with a council of chiefs, each of which is selected by and from among members of a descent group—[and] the king is seen more as an arbiter between the chiefs than as an autocrat’. In a centralized monarchy, on the other hand, power rests with the king, the senior chiefs are appointed by the king, and a concept of ‘citizenship’ develops to replace descent-group loyalties. The Yoruba states discussed in this monograph did not, in fact, develop in this way, and Lloyd's theme is their failure to achieve centralization. The analysis is applied principally to Oyo. Of the nineteenth-century states discussed, relatively little is said of Iwo and Ado Ekiti, while Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ilorin did not start out as ‘tribal kingdoms’ but as war-camps without kings. Moreover, it is suggested that the failure of Oyo to achieve centralization provided precedents for decentralization which influenced the development of its successors in the nineteenth century.


1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (S1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Hans Rosenberg

German political empire building had a decisive and powerful influence not only on the making, but also on the writing of economic history. The initial effect upon the history of economic history was negative rather than positive. The so-called “political historians” of the midnineteenth century were inspired by the contemporary struggle for the enhancement of the nation's political power and for constitutional liberty. The subsequent formation of Imperial Germany by “blood and iron,” instead of broadening the historical perspective and social vision of Droysen, Duncker, Häusser, Sybel, Treitschke, and the more docile among their followers, merely knocked out their liberalism and intensified and militarized their nationalism. In the new Reich they felt irritated and annoyed rather than roused and shaken by the grave economic conflicts and social disharmonies which grew out of the rapid industrialization of the German national economy and the narrow social class structure of the Imperial government and its Junker personnel. The hypnotic spell emanating from Bismarck's leadership accounted for the sterility of the political historians' response. Although the work of these academic civil servants greatly improved in technical perfection and thoroughness and extended the boundaries of factual knowledge, including knowledge not always worth knowing, it lost vigor and fertility and deteriorated into staleness and irksome monotony as to fundamental ideas and social ideals.


Moreana ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (Number 205- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Alvaro Silva

Among the many great readers of Thomas More’s Utopia, Vasco de Quiroga (c. 1488–1565) appears to be most striking, even if we don’t know when or where he read the book. The Spaniard arrived in Mexico in 1530, a few years after Hernán Cortés, sent by Emperor Charles V with full judicial powers in a land devastated by the chaos, brutality, and greed of the conquest, the native people mercilessly abused and enslaved. Almost right away, Quiroga started to give his time, talent, and treasure to create what he called a new “policy” (policía) to protect the ‘indians” from the cruelty of the conquerors. He built refuges (pueblos hospitales), islands of hospitality which he also designed for all the lands and peoples in the New World, as the best way to secure peace, protect and evangelize the populations. He would describe the “pueblos” with words and ideas from his own reading of Utopia, and More was to him a brilliant Englishman inspired by the Holy Spirit both to learn from the native people and to build a new and better Christian civilization in the new land. When Quiroga became bishop of Michoacán in 1536, he must have felt the first real bishop of More’s Utopia. This paper intends to show that this qualifies him as the Utopia’s best reader.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Cohen

This chapter discusses the field of Jewish history that has developed in relation to the experiences of the Jews, including the matter and manner that historians study it. It explains the history of the Jews that originated in the political, social, and cultural agenda of enlightened, nineteenth-century Jewish intellectuals. It also mentions Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi who concluded in his ground-breaking study of Jewish history and Jewish memory, Zakhor, that modern Jewish historiography originated as an ideology to the crisis of Jewish emancipation and the struggle. The chapter covers the Jews, Jewish culture and, and the cultural and historical scholarship of the Jews as they entered an age called 'postmodern'. It talks about postmodernism, which has ushered the study of the Jewish past into a new world of discourse filled with challenges that shaped the conversations of Jewish historians in prior generations.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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