East Asia in the “New Era” in World Politics

2002 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lowell Dittmer

In the ongoing war on terrorism that highlights the “new era” in world politics, East Asia constitutes a crucial swing vote. Its importance derives from its growing economic heft in the world, as well as its central role in three key trends that have characterized international politics since the end of the cold war: globalization, regionalism, and a reequilibration of the national balance of power. This article examines the impact of September 11 on the region, focusing on these three trends as indicators. It finds that while the impact of the war has been in significant respects different in Southeast Asia and in Northeast Asia, in both subregions the dominant preference has been to pursue this new campaign more as a police effort than as a “war” against selected alleged terrorist-harboring nation-states. In this respect, antiterrorist efforts have been modest but thus far fairly effective. Yet the antiterrorist effort has not eclipsed other realms of international diplomacy (such as economic cooperation and regional development) to the extent that it has in American foreign policy. Thus there is some risk that the divergent priorities of Washington and the East Asian nations may unwittingly contribute to a form of regional consolidation in which the U.S. plays a diminished role.

foresight ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Harris

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore how capitalism has developed into a deeply integrative economic system of financial investments and manufacturing. This process of globalization has brought about the emergence of a transnational capitalist class that rules the world’s economy. Financialization, created by the speed and interconnectivity of information technologies, is a key element that has produced immense wealth for a few while reducing their dependence on the labor of workers. This system of global accumulation has lead to a crisis of democracy with several different possible outcomes. Design/methodology/approach – This paper begins with an historical examination of capitalism and capitalist class formation by tracing developments from nation-centric capitalism to globalization. A conceptual explanation of the development of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) is offered. Research on current economic data to support the thesis on the emergence of the TCC in both its private and statist forms is included, as well as an examination of the latest technology developments that affect financialization and how this impacts class relations. The conclusion analyzes the development of democracy as a class dialectic, and the impact of globalization that is altering the historic relationships between capital and labor. The paper ends with a discussion of possible political/economic futures. Findings – Globalization is a new era in which capitalism has deepened its inherent tendency toward creating world markets and production. This process has been greatly enhanced by the new technological tools of financial production. Organizing and overseeing this system of global accumulation is the transnational capitalist class. The emergence of this class has transformed class relations based within the historic perimeters of nation-states, and it threatens the content and character of democracy that arose out of the bourgeois democratic revolutions in America and France. Originality/value – Transnational Capitalist Class Theory is a recently developed field of research. It is a new critic of mainstream international relations analysis which centers on nation to nation relationships. It also differs with world system theory which divides countries into a center/peripheral analysis. Within the field of TCC research, this paper offers an original historic perspective between global economics and the development of democracy. It also makes new theoretical connections between information technology, financialization and the destruction of the social contract.


Author(s):  
Umut Özkırımlı

Nationalism is the belief that the interests and values of a particular nation are prior to, and often superior to, those of others. Etymologically, the origins of the term can be traced back to the Latin word natio, or “something born,” which was used by Romans to refer to a community of foreigners. It is commonly believed that in its modern sense of “love for a particular nation,” the term was first used in 1798. Nationalism refers to both an ideology and a political movement. In the context of the French Revolution, nationalism has come to be associated with the more inclusive idea of popular sovereignty based on shared and equal citizenship. Later, under the impact of German Romantic thought, it has also been connected to exclusivist notions of ethnic and cultural distinctiveness. As a political movement, nationalism has often entailed the fusion of these two ideals, presupposing a world composed of “nation-states” in which, at least in theory, each nation has a right to a state of its own, later called the principle of national self-determination. Nationalism has outlived the expectations of a great many thinkers, both on the right and the left, who predicted its imminent demise, and reasserted itself as a powerful tool for mobilization in the wake of the end of the Cold War, inspiring or energizing a vast array of political projects, from independentism and isolationism to authoritarianism and populism. Despite attempts to pool sovereignty in supranational or transnational bodies, mostly to counter the corrosive and uneven impact of globalization, nationalism remains the fundamental organizing principle of interstate order and the ultimate source of political legitimacy. For many, it is also the taken-for-granted context of everyday life and a readily available cognitive and discursive frame to make sense of the world that surrounds them.


1978 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Donald W. Whisenhunt ◽  
Michael Vaughan Woodward ◽  
David E. Kyvig ◽  
Robert W. Sellen ◽  
Stephen John Kneeshaw ◽  
...  

Charles F. Delzell, ed. The Future of History. Nashville, Tennessee: Vanderbilt University Press, 1977~ Pp. xi, 263. Cloth, $13.95. Review by Robert N. Seidel of Empire State College, Rochester Center. David E. Kyvig and Myron Marty. Your Family History: A Handbook for Research and Writing. Arlington Heights, Illinois: AHM, 1978. Pp . 71, plus Summary Data Sheets and a Generations Chart. Paper, $2.95. Review by Philip R. Rulon of Northern Arizona University. Maurice Meisner, Mao's China: A History of the People's Republic. New York: The Free Press, 1977. xiv, 416. Cloth, $17.95; Wang Gungwu. China and the World since 1949: The Impact of Independence, Modernity and Revolution. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977. Pp. vii, 190. Cloth, $16.95; Paper, $4.95. Review by Lee Feigon of Colby College. Peter N. Stearns. The Face of Europe. St. Louis: Forum Press, 1977. Pp. 305. Paper, $6.95. Review by W. Benjamin Kennedy of West Georgia College. Nicholas H. Steneck, Science and Creation in the Middle Ages. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977. Pp. 381. Paper, $4.95. Review by Benjamin F. Taggie of Central Michigan University. Denis Mack Smith. Mussolini's Roman Empire. New York: Penguin, 1976. Pp. xi, 322. Paper, $3.95; George L. Mosse. The Nationalization of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movements in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars through the Third Reich. New York: Meridian, 1975. Pp. xiv, 252. Paper, $4 . 95. Review by Clarence B. Davis of The College of Charleston. Walter Laqueur, ed. The Guerrilla Reader: A Historical Anthology. New York: Meridian, 1977. Pp. 246. Paper, $5.95; Anthony D. Smith, ed., Nationalist Movements. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1976. Pp. vi, 185. Cloth, $15.95. Review by Leslie Clement Duly of the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Harold Eugene David, John J. Finan, and F. Taylor Peck. Latin American Diplomatic History: An Introduction. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977. Pp. viii, 301. Cloth, $15.00; paper $5.95. Review by John T. Reilly of Mount Saint Mary College, Newburgh. Morton Borden and Otis L. Graham, Jr. Speculations on American History. Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1977. Pp. v, 200. Paper, $3.95. Review by Stephen John Kneeshaw of The School of the Ozarks. Thomas G. Paterson, J. Garry Clifford, and Kenneth J. Hagan. American Foreign Policy: A History. Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1977. Pp. xviii, 607. Cloth, $10.95. Review by Robert W. Sellen of Georgia State University. Vincent P. DeSantis. The Shaping of Modern America: 1877-1916. St. Louis: Forum Press, 1973. Pp. 259. Paper, $4.95; Michael H. Ebner and Eugene M. Tobin, eds. The Age of Urban Reform: New Perspectives on the Progressive Era. Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, 1977. Pp. viii, 211. Cloth $12.95; paper, $7.95; Richard M. Abrams. The Burdens of Progress: 1900-1929. Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman, and Company, 1977. Pp. 199. Paper, $4.95. Review by David E. Kyvig of the University of Akron. Howard Roffman. Understanding the Cold War: A Study of the Cold War in the Interwar Period. Cranbury, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1977. Pp. 198. Cloth, $9.50; William Appleman Williams. American Confronts a Revolutionary World: 1776-1976. New York: William Morrow, 1976. Pp. 224. Cloth, $9.95. Review by Michael Vaughan Woodward of the University of Georgia. Laurence Ivan Seidman. Once in the Saddle: The Cowboy's Frontier, 1866-1896. New York: Mentor, 1977. Pp. 237. Paper, $1.75. Review by Donald W. Whisenhunt of Texas Eastern University.


Author(s):  
Elif Kalaycioglu

The end of the Cold War, the emergence of nonWestern states as influential actors in global politics, and waves of Western nativism in the United States and Europe have placed questions of cultural diversity centrally in global politics. Although the mainstream paradigms of international relations (IR), namely, realism and liberalism, have remained focused on material power and mutual gains via institutions as the cruxes of global politics, starting with the mid-1990s, an increasing number of IR scholars have attended to the question of cultural diversity and world politics. This scholarship has approached culture, alternatively, as a set of shared meanings stable over time, meanings that are institutionally stabilized, or a field of multiple and competing representations. Accordingly, some (the English school, conventional constructivism) posit culture as internally coherent and externally diverse, associating shared culture with accord and cultural diversity with discord. Others (critical constructivism, postcolonial IR) focus on the power-laden processes through which cultural diversity comes to be associated with Otherness and discord. Most of the relevant scholarship, however, defies paradigmatic categorization. These works are better grouped as interventions into IR theory and as scholarship that focuses on the impact of cultural diversity on the conduct of world politics. The first set of interventions have identified the state of cultural diversity in IR theorizing as an absence, a deep suspicion and an active suppression, or an outdated conceptualization. The IR theoretical path forward has, accordingly, been identified as the inclusion of culture, as dispensing with key theoretical heuristics of the field, or as a new focus on how cultural diversity has been globally governed. The analyses of cultural diversity and the conduct of world politics, taken together, show the intricate connections between existing institutions and norms, and assertions of cultural diversity. While diversity challenges universalizing forms of governance, the demands for the equal recognition of diversity are shaped by existing institutions. Despite key theoretical and analytical insights, the scholarship on cultural diversity can pay further attention to (a) the relation between theoretical notions of cultural diversity and cultural diversity as employed in global politics and (b) the relation between cultural diversity and other global political domains, such as geopolitics. On this, the literature can benefit from engagement with the IR scholarship on civilizations. At the same time, the latter scholarship is highly relevant to the question at hand because civilizations are key conduits of the global politics of cultural diversity.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 280-281
Author(s):  
Carol A. L. Prager

Empire and Imperialism: A Critical Reading of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Atilio A. Boron, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 141.Michael Walzer, reflecting in a 2002 Dissent article (vol. 49, Spring) upon the compelling issues in world politics, asked “Can there be a decent Left?” After reading Atilio A. Boron's impassioned and derisive critique of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's Empire (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), one wonders whether today there can be an empirically sophisticated, coherent Left. (Negri, by the way, spent seventeen years in Italian prisons for his involvement with the Red Brigade and the murder of Italian politician Aldo Moro.) Boron, a professor of political theory at the University of Buenos Aires claims, no doubt rightly, that the last three decades, embracing the end of the Cold War, the impact of neo-liberal policies on the “periphery” and sweeping technological changes, have necessitated a reformulation of leftist thinking. The influential Empire, which advances a root-and-branch restructuring of socialist thought, though hugely popular among anti-globalization groups and already translated into over a dozen languages, is to Boron emphatically not it. While paying obeisance to Hardt and Negri's “noble intentions and intellectual and political honesty” (4–5), the author proceeds to shred virtually all their main contentions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Henk Schulte Nordholt

In this article the impact of the Cold War in Southeast Asia is evaluated. The region was turned into the hottest battlefields of this conflict which costed the lives of about seven million people. The Cold War also terminated fragile attempts to turn newly independent nation-states into democracies. Instead every country in Southeast Asia experienced authoritarian rule by either capitalist of socialist regimes. In the capitalist countries middle classes emerged which profited from economic growth under authoritarian rule. Since democracy was associated with instability and mass violence and economic growth with authoritarian rule, middle classes were very late in supporting new attempts to democratize their political systems.


Hedley Bull’s The Anarchical Society was published in 1977. Though considered as one of the classics in International Relations, it does not address many world political issues that concern us deeply today—volatile great power relations after the end of the Cold War, the rise of terrorism, financial crises, climate change, the impact of the Internet, deep-rooted racial inequalities, violence against women. Moreover, through the evolution of International Relations as an academic pursuit, various limitations of the type of approach followed by Bull are coming to light. Against this background, eighteen contributors to this collection, with diverse intellectual orientations and academic specializations, have revisited Bull’s book forty years on to assess its limitations and resilience. A number of contributors point to certain fundamental problems stemming from Bull’s a historical conceptual theorizing. However, several others find arguments and insights developed or hidden in his text which are still relevant, in some cases, highly so, to understanding contemporary world politics while others explore ways of augmenting Bull’s intellectual repertoire. An intricate tapestry of ideas emerges from the criss-crossing contributions to the volume and, through this, it becomes clear that there is more to The Anarchical Society than the ‘international society’ perspective with which it is conventionally associated. The contemporary relevance of Bull’s work is clearest when we recognize the flexibility of his conceptual framework and, in particular, the often overlooked potential of his concept of the ‘world political system’ of which, Bull acknowledges, modern international society is only a part.


Author(s):  
Kristen P. Williams

The collapse of the Soviet Union, peaceful revolutions in central and Eastern Europe that ended communist rule, and the reunification of Germany marked the end of the Cold War. Different than originally hoped, this did not usher in a new period of peace and stability around the world. Instead, three decades since the emergence of this new era in world politics, conflicts continue to afflict the international community, predominantly in the form of intrastate, or civil, wars (although interstate wars are also present). Exploring the most recent history of gender, military, and war, this chapter examines to what extent the current era of globalization comes with new types of wars, changes in modes of waging war, and humanitarian intervention and how they are related to gender.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 318-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara J. Falk

This article offers both a genealogy of academic interest in resistance and dissent in the region, as well as an overview of current directions in research. Four kinds of sources are canvassed to paint as fulsome a picture as a short article permits. First, the original literature on dissent prior to the conclusion of the Cold War is reviewed, beginning with the seminal challenge to the “totalitarian” school presented by Gordon Skilling’s seminal article in World Politics . Second, key texts written in the two decades since the fall of communism on the impact of resistance and dissent are examined. Trajectories of initial research in the post-communist era are outlined, along with an assessment of how more recent texts of the “twenty years since the Fall” variety account for resistance and dissent. Finally, results of a short survey conducted by the author and sent to both established and emerging scholars in Europe and North America who are interested, have written on, and/or published on forms of resistance and dissent add a critical contemporary dimension to the analysis.


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