Appendix 1. Diagram of Communist & Left-Wing Malayan and Indonesian Political Movements

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-285
Author(s):  
A.Sh. Abhari ◽  

Antagonism with Western civilization in the course of colonial expansion and the subsequent struggle for independence, had a significant impact on the formation of the political elite of the Arab world. At the level of mass public consciousness and perception of historical reality, a transformation of worldview occurs with the active influence of Islam and its spiritual leaders. how the suppression of communist, socialist and other left-wing and reformist political movements in the region after the Second World War influenced and continue to influence the economic and political development of the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
DARIA POTAPOVA ◽  
◽  
SERGEY SHPAGIN

The article is devoted to topical issues of the development of the ideology of feminism in modern conditions. The purpose of the work is to identify the factors of the dynamics of the ideology of feminism at the beginning of the 21st century. The main versions of classical feminism are characterized: liberal, Marxist and radical. There is a close connection between the origins of feminism and Marxism, but even in the early period the interaction of these ideological and political movements was problematic. There is also an interaction of feminism with new social movements in the West in the 20th century. The contradictory consequences of the development of the women's movement for the ideology of feminism are noted: on the one hand, the actualization of the feminist agenda in Western countries created the conditions for significant successes in protecting women's rights and recognizing feminism as a real political force, on the other hand, these same successes reduced the relevance of the liberal version of feminism. Recent developments in Europe have a significant impact on the feminist agenda. Globalization and, in particular, the migration crisis of the 2010s are considered as one of the new factors in the ideological dynamics of feminism. The influx of migrants from Muslim countries not only places a burden on state budgets and reduces the level of security of life on the continent, but also erodes the civilizational identity of European society. Muslim migrants do not seek to integrate into European society, often ignore the fundamental values of European civilization, and above all, women's equality. This situation creates incentives not only to renew the political goals of feminists, but also to revise the ideological foundations of their ideology itself. In particular, it is possible to move away from the traditional reliance on left-wing political slogans and replace the popular Marxist phraseology among radical Islamists with values related to the protection of democratic gains of European society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Klette Bøhler

This article investigates the role of music in presidential election campaigns and political movements inspired by theoretical arguments in Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis, John Dewey ́s pragmatist rethinking of aesthetics and existing scholarship on the politics of music. Specifically, it explores how musical rhythms and melodies enable new forms of political awareness, participation, and critique in an increasingly polarized Brazil through an ethnomusicological exploration of how left-wing and right-wing movements used music to disseminate politics during the 2018 election that culminated in the presidency of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Three lessons can be learned. First, in Brazil, music breathes life, energy, and affective engagement into politics—sung arguments and joyful rhythms enrich public events and street demonstrations in complex and dynamic ways. Second, music is used by right-wing and left-wing movements in unique ways. For Bolsonaro supporters and right-wing movements, jingles, produced as part of larger election campaigns, were disseminated through massive sound cars in the heart of São Paulo while demonstrators sang the national anthem and waved Brazilian flags. In contrast, leftist musical politics appears to be more spontaneous and bohemian. Third, music has the ability to both humanize and popularize bolsonarismo movements that threaten human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities, among others, in contemporary Brazil. To contest bolsonarismo, Trumpism, and other forms of extreme right-wing populism, we cannot close our ears and listen only to grooves of resistance and songs of freedom performed by leftists. We must also listen to the music of the right.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (41) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Fan Xing

Abstract: The rise and development of Left-wing literature in Brazil is closely connected to the obstacles and dilemmas encountered during the evolution of its nation, and it is also inseparable from international political movements and intellectual trends. From the abolishment of slavery and collapse of empire in the nineteenth century, to the establishment and return of dictatorship in the 30s and 60s of the twentieth century, at every moment of crisis, Brazilian left-wing literature always played a seminal role. While criticizing social injustices, it also invigorates the development of modern Brazilian literature by incorporating different forms of language, thoughts and art. It is safe to say that left-wing literature forms a kind of literary tradition in Brazil, as it not only represents a moral and ethical stand, but also innovates the form and aesthetics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsty Lohman ◽  
Matthew Worley

On 8 September 1979, the English punk bands Crass and Poison Girls played a benefit gig with the Dutch punk band Rondos at London's Conway Hall. The gig has become notorious in British punk history due to the violence that broke out between right-wing and left-wing factions, bringing to the fore wider political tensions evident across punk's fragmented milieu. Not only did it embody the attempts of the far-right and far-left to co-opt punk's rebellion, but it also brokered a debate as to the nature of punk's politics and its relationship to existing political movements. In many ways, punk's politics – especially the overt politics of bands such as Crass and Rondos – was defined against the systematic ideologies of the left and right. Nevertheless, the controversy that followed the Conway Hall gig ended the transnational friendship that had been established between the bands, leading to a protracted debate on questions of political violence, pacifism and anarchism. This article provides a comparative study of punk politics. In particular, it explores the different social and political contexts that informed punk in Britain and the Netherlands, revealing how punk cultures transmitted, mutated and evolved across national boundaries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-251
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov ◽  

The Argentinian 60s of the ХХ century were a time of growing political tension and the emergence of new ideological and political movements that constituted the era of revolutionary activism and ideological search. The key actor in this process was left-wing Peronism, which experienced a sharp evolution in the direction of Marxism, new left ideological currents, and the anti-imperialist unity of the «Third world» countries during these years. The rapprochement of the Peronist left with Marxism in its classical (Soviet), Maoist, Gramscian and even Trotskyist versions gave rise to the emergence of a fruitful current of the «new left», which had a decisive influence on Argentine social thought and political agenda. The 60s were key for the further history of Argentina, both politically, ideologically and socially. Left-wing Peronism brought a lot of new things to Argentine politics, both revolutionary violence and the desire to perceive ideas from other left-wing currents, not only Marxism, but also social Catholicism, «liberation theology» and terсermundism. Ideological and political processes within left-wing Peronism in the 60s, its interaction with the «new left», communists and socialists, castrism and Maoism, the development of its own concept of the national liberation revolution and national socialism is devoted to this work.


Author(s):  
Vadim Damier

The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document