The Hakawati’s Daughter: How the Syrian revolution inspired a rewrite

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-312
Author(s):  
Rana Kazkaz

In 2009, I was living in Damascus, Syria, writing The Hakawati’s Daughter. The film told the story of the last remaining hakawati, oral storyteller, in Damascus. Like many traditions in the Arab world, the hakawati profession is an inherited one, passed on through the generations since 600 AD from father to son and so on. But in my film, the last hakawati has only one child, a daughter, and rather than adapting/modernizing this tradition and passing it on to her, he allows it to die. Two years later, the Syrian revolution broke out and the story, along with the country, fell apart. I have spent the years since reimagining what the story could be instead. Prior to the revolution, what interested me was how the film would explore the battle between tradition and modernity. What interests me today is ‘who has the right to tell the narrative of what is happening in Syria?’ Sadly, it is mostly men. This is the theme The Hakawati’s Daughter now wishes to explore. This article is an account of how the Syrian revolution inspired the rewriting of The Hakawati’s Daughter.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Vlad-Cristian SOARE ◽  

"The fundamental transformations through the Romanian state passed since the Revolution of December 1989, have also put their mark on the legal system. For this reason, there have been major changes in the content of administrative law. However, the regulation of the territorial-administrative subdivisions survived the change of political regime, due to Law 2/1968. Moreover, regulations on administrative-territorial subdivisions are also found in Law 215/2001 and in the 1991 Constitution, revised in 2003. This has led to problems of interpretation. Thus, on the one hand, we need to identify who has the right to constitute administrative-territorial subdivisions, and on the other hand, it must be seen whether the answer to the first question, leads to a possible interpretation that would be unconstitutional. At the same time, administrative-territorial subdivisions have created problems of interpretation regarding their legal capacity. Through this article, we have proposed to look at the issues mentioned above."


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Halimi Halimi ◽  
M. Faisol ◽  
Muhammad Majed Al-Dakhiel

<p>لقد عبر شعر الصراع (المقاومة والثورة والحرب) في بلاد الجزيرة العربية مفردات متنوعة طوال تاريخها من خلال البعدين، منهما البعد المكاني متمثلا في الأرض التي حملها الشعر دلالات ومعان تتجاوز ملامحها المادية لتكتسب بعدا روحيا وقيما عليا. والبعد الثاني يتمثل في البعد التراثي والتاريخي. فشعر الصراعات لا ينفصل من الواقع الاجتماعي، وليس هو الشعر الانعزالي، بل هو الشعر الاجتماعي الذي له علاقة متينة بواقعه، والذي يحمل رموزا تاريخية كثيرة نتيجة لامتداد العمر الزمني لهذا المجتمع من العصور القديمة، وكان المجتمع والأرض تصنع تقاليد تتطور إلى رموز، فهناك رمز للكرام وللمروءة ولمعاناة المجتمع وللصراع، وفي الرمز أسلوب فيه تلميح ومداره.</p><p><br />Throughout the history of the Arab world, the poetry of the struggle (the resistance, the revolution and the war) has been a varied vocabulary throughout its history through the two dimensions, including the spatial dimension, in the land where poetry carries meanings and meanings that transcend its physical texture to acquire a spiritual dimension and supreme value. It is the social poetry that has a strong relationship to its reality, which carries many historical symbols as a result of the extension of the temporal age of this society from antiquity. The society and the land made traditions that evolve into symbols. And the suffering of society and the conflict and the virus, and in the code style in which the tip and orbit.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Iman Mohamed Zahra ◽  
Hosni Mohamed Nasr

'The right to know' represents a fundamental and vital human right. Progress and development of nations fully require information freedom and knowledge sharing. Using a qualitative analysis of a sample of information and press laws in most of Arab states, this paper aims at discussing 'the right to know' from different perspectives while highlighting the surrounding aspects and their consequences on the right of freedom of expression in those states. The paper also tends to clarify the effects of new media on the vision and practices of governments regarding 'the right to know' and the freedom of the press in the digital age. Moreover, the paper analyzes the different types of censorship the Arab states use to control the new media. Findings shed light on different aspect of 'the right to know' within the different challenges of the digital age and clarify the strong bondage of this right with the other human rights, especially freedom of expression and freedom of the press.


2011 ◽  
pp. 676-687
Author(s):  
Deborah L. Wheeler

Making the choice to be an Internet society is not a process governed simply by a state’s attitudes towards computers and the data that flows between them. Rather, being an Internet society means fostering the wide embrace of perspectives modeled on the technology itself. The basic components of designing an Internet society include a commitment to the free flow of information across and among hierarchies; a belief that it is best not to privilege any single information node; a realization that censorship is difficult if not futile; and a commitment to the idea that communities, companies and individuals have the right to represent themselves within electronic landscapes. All of these information attitudes have spill over effects in the real world. While constructing an Internet society is also about building information infrastructure and teaching people to use new tools, it is the clear spill over effects linked with the technology’s design principles that have most developing countries proceeding with caution. For many countries around the world, especially (semi) authoritarian ones, no matter how strong the economic incentives for being an Internet society are, politically and socially, accepting such processes of change without selective state intervention is uncommon. Nowhere are these interventions more apparent than in the puzzling mosaic of Internet led development in the Arab World. This article entertains a series of questions regarding emerging Internet societies in the Arab World: 1. To what degree is the Internet spreading in the Arab World and what factors are most commonly driving (or inhibiting) these processes of technological change? 2. In what way is the Internet contributing to processes of political change in the region? And how is the authoritarian state intervening to regulate Internet use in an attempt to control the spill over effects of such use? 3. What might be the longer term impacts of emergent Internet cultures in the region?  


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 354-362
Author(s):  
Layla Saleh

Giving a personal voice to the role of women in the Syrian revolution, Layla Saleh places the account of one Syrian woman, Um Ibrahim, exiled in the second year of the uprising, in the larger context of women’s participation in the revolutionary popular mobilization, after the Assad regime’s “women’s rights” proved unsatisfactory and insufficient. The narrative culminates in Um Ibrahim’s own participation in the protests in Damascus before the full-fledged war took hold. Um Ibrahim recounts how women took on a central role in the Syrian revolution, hiding protesters, cooking, delivering food and weapons, and serving in the political and armed opposition. However, they have been victimized by the war, their activist role has been diminished, and their security and physical well-being have become precarious as the country is bloodily entrenched in civil and proxy warfare.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Anderson

Although they produced vastly more turmoil, the uprisings in the Arab world shared many characteristics with other early 21st-century popular protests on both the left and the right, from Spain’s Indignados and Occupy Wall Street to the anti-elite votes for Brexit and Trump. The conviction that political elites and the states they rule, which were once responsible for welfare and development, now ignore and demean the interests and concerns of ordinary citizens takes many forms, but is virtually universal. The Arab world was only one site of this discontent, but the story of the Arab Spring insurrections provides a cautionary illustration of the perils in abdication of political authority and accountability and provokes questions about how we understand historical moments when passions outstrip interests.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 54-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Houlgate

In his lectures on the philosophy of history Hegel passes this famous judgement on the French Revolution. “Anaxagoras had been the first to say that nous governs the world; but only now did humanity come to recognize that thought should rule spiritual actuality. This was thus a magnificent dawn”. What first gave rise to discontent in France, in Hegel's view, were the heavy burdens that pressed upon the people and the government's inability to procure for the Court the means of supporting its luxury and extravagance. But soon the new spirit of freedom and enlightenment began to stir in men's minds and carry them forward to revolution. “One should not, therefore, declare oneself against the assertion”, Hegel concludes, “that the Revolution received its first impulse from Philosophy” (VPW, p 924). However, Hegel points out that the legacy of the revolution is actually an ambiguous one. For, although the principles which guided the revolution were those of reason and were indeed magnificent – namely, that humanity is born to freedom and self-determination – they were held fast in their abstraction and turned “polemically”, and at times terribly, against the existing order (VPW, p 925). What ultimately triumphed in the revolution was thus not concrete reason itself, but abstract reason or understanding (VPW, p 923). In Hegel's view, the enduring legacy of such revolutionary understanding was, not so much the Terror, but the principle that “the subjective wills of the many should hold sway” (VPW, p 932). This principle, which Hegel calls the principle of “liberalism” and which we would call the principle of majority rule, has since spread from France to become one of the governing principles of modern stat. It has been used to justify granting universal suffrage, to justify depriving corporations and the nobility of the right to sit in the legislature, and in some cases to justify abolishing the monarchy. What is of crucial importance for Hegel, however, is that such measures have not rendered the state more modern and rational, but have in fact distorted the modern state.


1876 ◽  
Vol 24 (164-170) ◽  
pp. 417-440 ◽  

The peculiar twisted appearance of the human umbilical cord has received much attention from anatomists, and has been the subject of much ingenious speculation. According to Velpeau (‘ Embryologie’) the torsion begins as early as the seventh or eighth week, whilst Burdach has not observed it earlier than the tenth. I have repeatedly seen fœtuses, apparently of the twelfth and thirteenth week, in which no appearance of twisting was observable in the cord, though one of the most perfectly twisted cords in my possession belongs to a fœtus of certainly not more than thirteen weeks’ development. Velpeau attributes the twisting simply to the rotation of the fœtus. Schroeder Van der Kolk supposes that the blood flowing in the arteries exerts a backstroke influence on the pelvis of the swimming fœtus, thus determining its revolution in one direction or the other, as the arteries are to be found to the right or left of the vein. In order to dismiss this view we have only to recollect that the umbilicus could not in any way become a fixed axis, and that the mechanical arrangement of the heart, in the non-separation of its streams, would yield but a very weak impulse until very late in pregnancy. The revolution of the fœtus is not known to occur, though its occurrence is probable. Such revolution occurs in the spawn of the frog as early as the first segmentation of the black sphere; but then it is evidently the result of the necessity there is for an equal exposure of all parts of the embryo to the action of light and heat, just as the germinal spot is always uppermost in the bird’s egg. No such necessity exists in the persistently included mammalian ovum, and the revolution of the fœtus cannot be accepted. If it did occur it is highly improbable that the revolutions could number only from four to eighteen, these being the ranges I have noticed in a large number of fully developed cords. Another objection to Schroeder’s hypothesis is that, as a matter of fact, the arteries leave the omphalic ring nearly always below the vein and symmetrically arranged in relation to it. Their passage to one or other side of it is seldom apparent till the external dermal ring has been reached. Also I have seen the first revolution of the arteries pass from right to left, after which they suddenly bent on themselves and passed up the cord in an irregularly straight course, whilst the vein maintained the normal spiral. Further, I have seen the arteries reverse their course about the middle of the cord, though the vein maintained the uniform spiral.


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