scholarly journals TAJALLIYAH ASH-SHIRA' FI AL-ADAB AL-'ARABI AL-MU'ASHIR WA ATSARIHI FI HARB AL-'ARAB تجليات الصراع في الأدب العربي المعاصر وأثره في حرب العرب (من الصراع والصدام إلى ثقافة الحرب في شعر سوريا نموذجا)

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Halimi Halimi ◽  
M. Faisol ◽  
Muhammad Majed Al-Dakhiel

<p>لقد عبر شعر الصراع (المقاومة والثورة والحرب) في بلاد الجزيرة العربية مفردات متنوعة طوال تاريخها من خلال البعدين، منهما البعد المكاني متمثلا في الأرض التي حملها الشعر دلالات ومعان تتجاوز ملامحها المادية لتكتسب بعدا روحيا وقيما عليا. والبعد الثاني يتمثل في البعد التراثي والتاريخي. فشعر الصراعات لا ينفصل من الواقع الاجتماعي، وليس هو الشعر الانعزالي، بل هو الشعر الاجتماعي الذي له علاقة متينة بواقعه، والذي يحمل رموزا تاريخية كثيرة نتيجة لامتداد العمر الزمني لهذا المجتمع من العصور القديمة، وكان المجتمع والأرض تصنع تقاليد تتطور إلى رموز، فهناك رمز للكرام وللمروءة ولمعاناة المجتمع وللصراع، وفي الرمز أسلوب فيه تلميح ومداره.</p><p><br />Throughout the history of the Arab world, the poetry of the struggle (the resistance, the revolution and the war) has been a varied vocabulary throughout its history through the two dimensions, including the spatial dimension, in the land where poetry carries meanings and meanings that transcend its physical texture to acquire a spiritual dimension and supreme value. It is the social poetry that has a strong relationship to its reality, which carries many historical symbols as a result of the extension of the temporal age of this society from antiquity. The society and the land made traditions that evolve into symbols. And the suffering of society and the conflict and the virus, and in the code style in which the tip and orbit.</p>

Author(s):  
Michel Biron

L’écrivain devient rarement écrivain par les voies traditionnelles de l’école. En ce sens, il constitue toujours à quelque degré un autodidacte. Toutefois, la valeur sociale d’une telle figure, qu’il s’agisse de l’écrivain lui-même ou d’un personnage de fiction, varie considérablement selon les cultures et les époques. Dans La Nausée de Jean-Paul Sartre, l’Autodidacte est un personnage complexé qui envie le savoir et la culture de Roquentin. À l’inverse, on trouve nombre de textes littéraires où la figure de l’autodidacte est valorisée. C’est particulièrement vrai dans l’histoire de la littérature québécoise, depuis le XIXe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Cet article propose d’en faire la démonstration à travers une série d’exemples tirés de chacune des périodes, mais en insistant sur la figure de « l’autodidacte exemplaire » propre à la Révolution tranquille, qui oppose la culture comme désir à la culture comme héritage scolaire. Abstract A writer becomes rarely a writer through studying at school. Speaking of a self-made writer would seem tautological since every writer could pretend to be one at some extent. Nevertheless, the social value of the self-made writer and of it’s literary representations vary a lot from a country to another, and from a period of time to another. In La Nausée from Jean-Paul Sartre, the character of “L’Autodidacte” envy Roquentin’s background and try to walk in his step. At the opposite, there are many examples of literary texts where the self-made is appreciated, if not admired as the true possessor of culture. It’s often the case in the history of Quebec’s literature, from 19th century up to now. This article try to demonstrate such fortune of the self-made by studying examples of Quebec literature chosen in each of the main periods, but especially during the “Révolution tranquille” around the “autodidacte exemplaire” who refuse the culture as inheritance and worship culture as personal desire.


Author(s):  
Alexander Nikulin

The Russian Revolution is the central theme of both A. Chayanov’s novel The Journey of My Brother Alexei to the Land of Peasant Utopia and A. Platonov’s novel Chevengur. The author of this article compares the chronicles and images of the Revolution in the biographies of Chayanov and Platonov as well as the main characters, genres, plots, and structures of the two utopian novels, and questions the very understanding of the history of the Russian Revolution and the possible alternatives of its development. The article focuses not only on the social-economic structure of utopian Moscow and Chevengur but also on the ethical-aesthetic foundations of both utopias. The author argues that the two utopias reconstruct, describe, and criticize the Revolution from different perspectives and positions. In general, Chayanov adheres to a relativistic and pluralistic perception of the Revolution and history, while Platonov, on the contrary, absolutizes the end of humankind history with the eschatological advent of Communism. In Chayanov‘s utopia, the Russian Revolution is presented as a viable alternative to the humanistic-progressive ideals of the metropolitan elites with the moderate populist-socialist ideas of the February Revolution. In Platonov’s utopia, the Revolution is presented as an alternative to the eschatological-ecological transformation of the world by provincial rebels inspired by the October Revolution. Thus, Chayanov’s liberal-cooperative utopia and Platonov’s anarchist-communist utopia contain both an apologia and a criticism of the Russian Revolution in the insights of its past and future victories and defeats, and opens new horizons for alternative interpretations of the Russian Revolution.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabiha Jerad†

This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolution between secular and ‘Islamist’ camps in Tunisia, and the linguistic dimension of political debate in the country and its relationship to social history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Vasily A. Kuznetsov

On April 23, 2021, an outstanding Russian Arabist, Doctor of History, Principal Fellow of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences Bagrat Garegionovich Seyranyan celebrated his 90th birthday. His works on the recent history of Egypt and Yemen and the general problems of the socio-political development of the Arab countries in the 20th century have long become classic. Many of them were translated into Arabic and received well-deserved recognition abroad, and such books as “Egypt in the Struggle for Independence, 1945–1952” (Moscow, 1970) and “Evolution of the Social Structure of the Countries of the Arab East. Land Aristocracy in the 19th Century – the 60s of the 20th Century” (Moscow, 1991) entered the golden fund of world academy. The contribution of Bagrat Seyranyan to the training of new generations of orientalists is colossal. Under his leadership there were prepared more than 40 Ph.D. theses, he participated in authoring of numerous textbooks and teaching materials on the history of the Arab world. In this paper friends, colleagues and students address the hero of the day with words of recognition and gratitude.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-669 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Geer

This quote from a character in the 1974 novelAl-Karnak(Karnak Café) by Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz (1911–2006) sums up the reaction of millions of people in Egypt and the Arab world to the June 1967 Arab–Israeli war. Why did this war shatter their worldviews? A military defeat may occur for purely military reasons, in this case the better preparation of Israeli troops. Why should it cast doubt on a whole way of life? The answer to this question lies in the social and cognitive structure of nationalism, which I examine in a moment of crisis, after the 1967 war, when it became necessary for nationalist intellectuals to debate issues that had previously been taken for granted.Al-Karnak, which was made into a highly profitable and controversial film, provides a good starting point for studying these debates. However, it is important to understand them as products of the nationalist project of which Mahfouz was a part. I first analyze the history of that project, explaining its raison d'être and its success by the 1960s.


Author(s):  
John G. Rodden

“Oma der Revolution,” a neighborhood child calls her. “Grandmother of the Revolution.” And that she is: a revolutionary in love with the past, a revolutionary in love with a bygone Germany. When I first met Annaliese Saupe in 1987, I had no idea that she had been such a hell-raiser: blacklisted by the Nazis, vocal critic of SED educational policies, fired for insubordination by SED school authorities. Nor could I have guessed what would lay ahead for her only two years in the future, when she would be lionized by neighbors for her derring-do against the SED during the Revolution of the Candles. With her hair coiled into a huge white bun on top of her head, her large brown eyes and quick smile, her slight limp and walking cane, her encyclopedic knowledge of grocery prices past and present, her antiquarian’s passion for the history of her native region, her enduring love affair with Goethe and Schiller: Annaliese Saupe seems much like a Hausfrau and history schoolmarm—which is also just what she has been. I met Frau Saupe in 1987 at a Goethe Institute talk near Freiburg, where she gave a presentation on Goethe’s daily routine in Weimar. Struck by Frau Saupe’s vibrance and energy, I struck up an acquaintance with her. Already 75 years old, she was a dynamo who could easily pass for a woman in her early 60s. She invited me to visit her in her hometown of Plauen, a small Saxony city of 85,000 in the old German region of Vogtland. But the paperwork for my tourist visa to East Germany dragged on beyond my six-week visit in West Germany, and I returned to the United States disappointed. Nonetheless, we wrote each other, and in early December 1990, during the week of the first free elections in eastern Germany since 1933—in which Frau Saupe voted, now as then, for the Social Democrats—I finally had an opportunity to visit Plauen. “Please don’t leave Germany this time without coming to see me!” she had written me.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 447-455
Author(s):  
RUTH SCURR

Who were the sans-culottes? What were their concerns and purposes? And what role did they play in the unfolding of events collectively known as the French Revolution? Michael Sonenscher first engaged directly with these questions in the 1980s (in an article for Social History 9 (1984), 303) when social historians were experimenting with the possibilities opened up by discourse analysis, and when the traditions of eighteenth-century civic, or republican, language seemed particularly exciting: The social history of the French Revolution owes much to the deepening insistence with which the discourse of the Revolution itself referred to, and postulated, necessary connections between everyday circumstances and public life. From Sieyes’ equation of aristocratic privilege with unproductive parasitism in 1788 to the Thermidorian caricature of the architects of the Terror as the dregs of society, the Revolution produced its own “social interpretation.” Sonenscher argued that while the identification of the figure of the sans-culotte with that of the artisan was “the achievement of the generation of historians—Richard Cobb, George Rudé and Albert Soboul—who reintroduced the popular movement into the historiography of the French Revolution”, there was always something problematic (or circular) in the underlying assumption that it was possible to equate the representation of artisan production found in the political language of the sans-culottes during the Revolution with what actually existed in the workshops of Paris or other towns of eighteenth-century France. Back in the 1980s what Sonenscher hoped was that a more accurate understanding of the actual dynamics of workshop production would produce “a better explanation of the meaning of the language of the sans-culottes”. His own expectation, as a social historian, was that the causality, in both explanatory and historical terms, would run from the social to the political sphere.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Howayda Al-Harithy

Hammam Al-Ward is an Ottoman monument in Saida. Siada (or Sidon) is a coastal city in Lebanon and a hidden treasure with numerous Mamluk and Ottoman monuments. These monuments are of various types, from mosques to hammams to palaces and khans. They remain unstudied and at times undocumented. This is an architectural monograph of Hammam Al-Ward placed within the urban history of the city and the social practices of its inhabitants. Through documentation and comparative analysis, the paper argues that the hammam was built during the early eighteenth century but carries within it an old tradition of building that dates back to the Mamluk period and an old socio-spatial practice that dates back to Roman times. The article investigates and presents the urban condition that unfolds through the hammam patronage, style and location, the architectural interpretation of the hammam type of the Mediterranean Arab World and the socio-spatial practices of bathing and leisure that continue till modern times.


2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-326
Author(s):  
Avner Wishnitzer

Abstract Based on quantitative and qualitative analysis of visual representations and written texts, this study argues that officers, civil officials, and urban professionals who came of age in the late Hamidian era adopted the mustache as an expression of a generational identification and a related self-consciously modern masculinity that defined itself against the bearded, Hamidian order. After 1908, when the instigators of the revolution and their supporters climbed up the social and political hierarchies, the mustache rose with them and became the facial ornament of the most powerful people in the empire. Considering the common association of the mustache with youth, its adoption as a marker of identification hints at the unsettling of longtime ageist hierarchies but also, at the durability and adaptability of gender ones.


Author(s):  
Eugenia V. Romanovskaya ◽  

In the article, the attempt is made to comprehend the influence of the ideology of nihilism on the social condition of Russia after the defeat of the 1905 revolution. Leading Russian philosophers (N. A. Berdyaev, S. N. Bulgakov, M. O. Gershenzon, A. S. Izgoev, B. A. Kistyakovsky, P. B. Struve, S. L. Frank) in the collection of articles “Vekhi”, published in 1909, spoke about the role of the Russian intelligentsia in this revolution. The release of the collection caused a fierce debate in the society. We settled on the article by S. L. Frank (“Ethics of Nihilism”), which was devoted to the phenomenon of Russian nihilism. In his opinion, the enthusiasm of the intelligentsia in the ideas of nihilism was a pressure point in the failure of their participation in the revolution. The article attempts to consider the manifestations of nihilism in Russia, which was not only an “academic philosophical theory”, but also an important factor in influencing the events of the Russian revolution. Frank understood nihilism as the non-recognition of absolute values (truth, justice, freedom, beauty). Moralism, namely nihilistic moralism is the essence of the worldview of the Russian intelligentsia. And Frank, in his article, argues that the Russian intelligentsia must reconsider old values and acquire new ones, – the values of creative religious humanism.


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