scholarly journals Towards the Rise of Eurasia. Competing Geopolitical Narratives and Responses

At the beginning of the 21st century, the unity of Europe and Asia took on a new meaning, leading to an appreciation of Eurasian thinking - which has a long tradition in geopolitics -, allowing different narratives to be born in different countries. The aim of this volume is to present in detail the interconnected geopolitical narratives that are emerging in various countries. As a similar book that examines the image of Eurasia through narratives has not yet been published in the region, this publication can be seen as a ground-breaking step. This work contains studies by experts in geopolitics - both foreign and domestic specialists - that undoubtedly contribute to the development of geopolitical research in Central and Eastern Europe. With their help, the reader can get a comprehensive picture of how the great powers and smaller countries on the supercontinent (as well as in the United States) interpret Eurasia, what the main features are of each narrative, and which factors and processes are helping and hindering their implementation. The publisher of the volume, the lnstitute of lnternational, Political and Regional Studies at Corvinus University, is strongly committed to exploring current developments in geopolitics, thereby contributing to their better understanding. The latest volume in the series 'Corvinus Geographia, Geopolitica, Geooeconomia' may be of interest to a wide audience. As well as being relevant to those interested in geopolitics, it will appeal to those who seek to understand the changing landscape of international relations of the 21st century.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
György Tóth

Abstract This article examines the use of the memorialization of Reagan in transatlantic relations – specifically in the commemorations of the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in 2011 in Central and Eastern Europe. Extrapolating from the case of Hungary, the article argues that because of the contemporary political status of its drivers and its oblique message, the Reagan Centennial’s campaign in Central Europe can be called “shadow” memorial diplomacy, which in 2011 used the former president’s memory to articulate and strengthen a model of U.S. leadership and foreign policy parallel to and ready to replace those of the then Obama administration. This study can serve as an international extension of previous scholarship on the politics of the memory of Ronald Reagan within the United States, as well as a case study of the use of memory in international relations.


Author(s):  
Geir Lundestad

There are no laws in history. Realists, liberals, and others are both right and wrong. Although no one can be certain that military incidents may not happen, for the foreseeable future China and the United States are unlikely to favor major war. They have cooperated well for almost four decades now. China is likely to continue to focus on its economic modernization. It has far to go to measure up to the West. The American-Chinese economies are still complementary. A conflict with the United States or even with China’s neighbors would have damaging repercussions for China’s economic goals. The United States is so strong that it would make little sense for China to take it on militarily. There are also other deterrents against war, from nuclear weapons to emerging norms about international relations. It is anybody’s guess what will happen after the next few decades. History indicates anything is possible.


1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 891-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
M R Curry

The introduction of computer-based information systems into the newly emerging democracies—and markets—of Central and Eastern Europe raises important questions. With information seen by many in government and industry as the gold of the future, it is not surprising that it is common in the West to see it as essential that those countries adopt regulations that will encourage its relatively unfettered flow. In fact, in the key areas of data protection and intellectual property we can see strong indications of Western influence. But this is occurring in different ways. In the case of data protection, US influence has been brought to bear through intermediaries, particularly the European Community. In the case of intellectual property, the United States has acted more directly. In both cases, though, the United States is promoting what it sees as its own values despite their being in important ways at odds with those not simply of Central and Eastern Europe but of Europe more generally.


Author(s):  
Nasa'i Muhammad Gwadabe

The apparent eroding in the hegemonic power of the United States and the sustained growth of China has triggered debate as to whether the rise of China will be peaceful or conflictual. Structural realism posits that the world is characterised by the anarchic ordering principle in which there is no central authority sitting above the states. Therefore, the absence of a “leviathan” on the international system automatically makes every state equal on the system which created an atmosphere of competition for the maximisation of power for survival. On a similar line of reasoning, the Power Transition theory as a variant theory within realism postulates that when the international system is structured based on the principle of hierarchy, peace will reign. It means that when international relations are regulated and influenced by a dominant power, the international system becomes stable. But the emergence of a dissatisfied powerful nation to challenge the hegemon usually ends up in war. Based on this assumption, Power Transition theorists argued that the rise of China to rival the dominance of the United States could not be peaceful. The Power Transition theory has influenced many academics to have the belief that the two nations will end up in “Thucydides’ Trap”. This belief has aggravated the matter beyond the reasonable level and has instilled panic in the mind of foreign policymakers which could jeopardise world peace and international cooperation. Hence, this paper aims to critically evaluate the deficiency of the Power Transition theory in the 21st century in explaining the current United States-China relations and the prospect of peace or war between the two nations using process tracing. Accordingly, in this paper, it is argued that in the 21st century, an armed confrontation between the United States and China is highly unlikely. Because in today’s world, nations (including the United States and China) are intertwined by the forces of globalisation which created inexorable economic interdependence. Additionally, there is rapid advancement in military technology and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction which came with the concept of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Consequently, there is a need to revisit the Power Transition theory to accommodate contemporary factors. The inclusion of the current variables into the Theory will make it applicable and adequately fit in the discourse of international relations and global politics of the 21st-century international system.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sven Biscop

This book introduces ten key terms for analysing grand strategy and shows how the world's great powers - the United States, China, Russia and the European Union (EU) - shape their strategic decisions today and shows how the choices made will determine the course of world politics in the first half of the 21st century.


2006 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keir A. Lieber ◽  
Daryl G. Press

For nearly half a century, the world's most powerful nuclear-armed states have been locked in a condition of mutual assured destruction. Since the end of the Cold War, however, the nuclear balance has shifted dramatically. The U.S. nuclear arsenal has steadily improved; the Russian force has sharply eroded; and Chinese nuclear modernization has progressed at a glacial pace. As a result, the United States now stands on the verge of attaining nuclear primacy, meaning that it could conceivably disarm the long-range nuclear arsenals of Russia and China with a nuclear first strike. A simple nuclear exchange model demonstrates that the United States has a potent first-strike capability. The trajectory of nuclear developments suggests that the nuclear balance will continue to shift in favor of the United States in coming years. The rise of U.S. nuclear primacy has significant implications for relations among the world's great powers, for U.S. foreign policy, and for international relations scholarship.


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