The EU and Japan in the Process of Building Creative/Progressive Cultural Relations

The EU is promoting cultural relations with Asian countries. While building interpersonal and institutional connections, the EU pays special attention to Japan. The image of the EU and its mutual relations with Japan are generally recognised as predominantly good and trustworthy. This paper will examine the process of building creative/progressive cultural relations between the EU and Japan based on two hypotheses; fi rst: despite the fact that the EU tried to develop cultural relations within Japan, the embassies of the EU Member States are far more active in cultural programs than the EU Delegation; and secondly: the reception of the EU as a historic and cultural project is rather fragmented (as opposed to being holistic) in Japan. The aim of this research is to analyse, compare, and evaluate both the effort and achievements made by the EU and Japan in the process of building creative cultural relations. The research will demonstrate an analytical approach in the political sciences discipline.

The Eastern Partnership as a Contested Neighbourhood: The Role of External Actors – The EU and Russia

Contestation remains a signifi cant factor in the EU neighbourhood. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the role of external actors – namely the European Union and the Russian Federation – in managing local and regional contestation. The latter is defined as incompatibilities between two or more competing views about how political, economic, social, and territorial order should be established and/or sustained. Competing interests between the EU and Russia concern many issues; the model of political system in the neighbourhood (democracy vs. authoritarianism), the model and direction of the economic integration of these countries (European or Eurasia integration), and the infrastructure and availability of gas and oil (energy disputes). The common neighbourhood, which concerns EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine), has become an area of rivalry rather than cooperation between the EU and Russia. The first seeks to stabilise the post-Soviet area, while Russia exploits local destabilisations and conflicts to maintain its influence there.

New Space: The European Union’s Evolving Space Policy and Changing European Space Ecosystem

Throughout the years, the identity and institutional capacity of the European Union (EU) has changed. As a global actor in international politics, the EU has perceived the need for developing a comprehensive space policy perspective. This perspective has evolved by the changing dynamics of the space ecosystem i.e., “New Space”, and it is a phenomenon that consists of new business models, new technologies, new markets, new value chains, and new actors. New actors in space activities have drastically altered the dynamics of space activities. This paper aims to examine the new actors in the context of European space governance, and scrutinise the tendencies of space companies so as to develop a better understanding of the European space system. The article concludes that, being aware of the undeniable importance of space applications and the security of space systems, the EU attaches importance to catching the “New Space” trend in its governance structure and encouraging appropriate changes in the sector.

Digital Civic Engagement in the EU: Analysing Examples, Tools, and Sentiment in Latvia and Estonia

The decline of civic engagement has been an issue for several EU Member States. To promote civic engagement, digital tools have been perceived as one of the possible solutions both at the EU and national levels. Within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic that has intensifi ed digitalisation in many forms and sectors, the issue of digital solutions for civic engagement has regained its relevance and topicality. In the last decade, Latvia has been among other EU Member States in which civic engagement has become a concerning and long-term challenge. For instance, as opposed to Estonia, voter turnout in the most recent national and European parliamentary elections has gradually declined in Latvia. There are also limited digital possibilities through which Latvian society can participate and influence the political agenda daily. Therefore, this article provides an overview of the provisions and guidelines at the EU level to address the issue of civic engagement by promoting digital democracy tools. Secondly, it analyses what digital tools exist in Latvia to promote civic engagement. Thirdly, by comparing the digital civic engagement solutions implemented in Estonia and Latvia, the lessons learned are drawn. Finally, using data from quantitative (polls) studies (before and during the COVID-19 pandemic), the article provides recommendations for Latvia in the context of I-voting.

EU Military Operations as a Tool in the EU’s Foreign Policy Toolbox – The Main Trends and Limitations

The main aim of the article is to characterise and analyse EU military operations, taking into account their objectives, assumptions, successes as well as their limitations and weaknesses. The author focusses his research on EU activities in Sub-Saharan Africa. The following research questions were posed: – what is the specifi city and characteristic features of EU military crisis management operations; – to what extent and in what direction are military operations launched by the EU evolving; – in what way do EU military operations infl uence the perception of the EU as a civilian and normative power and affect the development of the EU as a security actor; – what are the main limitations and weaknesses of EU military operations and what is their future in EU foreign policy? The author applied the following research methods: factorial, comparative, scenario, quantitative, and qualitative analysis. The main conclusion is that the EU’s military operations and its military training missions should solely be perceived as one of the elements (measures) in EU foreign policy. As has been indicated in the title of the article, they are “a tool in the EU’s foreign policy toolbox”.

The Status of the European Integration Process of the Western Balkan Countries

For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.

The Challenges of Ukraine’s European Choice in the Context of the Kremlin’s Neo-Imperialist Policies During Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Presidency

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed confl ict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories – thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU’s political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.

EU Legal Migration Policy: Are There Prospects for Progress or Is It at a Standstill?

The aim of the article is to attempt to identify the state of, and prospects for, the development of the common policy of the European Union regarding legal migration from third countries. The subject of interest is, above all, legal economic migration, which is crucial from the perspective of certain demographic processes taking place in the EU, the changes and needs of the Community’s labour market, and the challenges posed by the digital transformation. The adopted hypothesis assumes that, within the framework of EU migration and asylum policy, policy as regards legal economic migration is still an underdeveloped area and remains in the hands of individual Member States. Initiatives undertaken in this area remain overshadowed by the main focus of the common migration and asylum policy, namely the development of a common asylum system and the prevention of irregular migration. Policy regarding legal economic migration in the near future will mainly be created by Member States and play out on the domestic stage due to the lack of direct motivation for its development at the Community level. In this case, the strength of particular stakeholders’ interests is not balanced out by any direct and easily identifi able benefits to be gained from the adopted common solutions.

The Situation of Women of a Refugee and Immigrant Background in the Netherlands

The problem of discrimination and unequal treatment of women from culturally diverse backgrounds affects countries such as the Netherlands. The centuries of tolerance and openness to an “alien” seem to be ending. This is evidenced by numerous reports and scientifi c studies, statements from specialists, and experts on the issues of immigrant integration. Increasingly, feeling marginalised and deprived of development opportunities, immigrant or refugee women come to the fore. Some of them (those remaining in isolation) are represented by aid organisations, i.e. foundations, associations, volunteer groups, and the municipalities themselves. This article covers the existing issue of the increasing number of refugees and immigrants in the Netherlands, especially refugee and immigrant women towards whom, according to specialists, integration policy should be redefi ned.

The European Composite Administration Facing the Challenges of Migration

In classical theoretical reflections on international reality, one of the leading paradigms is the belief that the Westphalian order based on sovereign states has evolved into a diverse network of interdependent actors. From a legal perspective, a network such as this has the character of multi-level normative linkages. Legislation with varying degrees of impact in terms of its binding force is enacted within a number of parallel consultative bodies. Within the EU this network takes on a concretised, institutional normative dimension, the so-called European Composite Administration which is evident in specific areas such as cyber security, asylum and migration policies, energy, and financial market regulation. In the European Union, decentralised agencies play a leading role in a such compound bureaucracy. They are one of the main instruments in the European system for harmonising regulation and practices in specific areas of EU activity. In a crisis situation there is an increasing tendency to modify their powers. Within the European Composite Administration, bodies such as EASO, the agency responsible for migration and asylum policies, play a key coordinating role between the Member States. The crisis legitimises institutional changes, by expanding the catalogue of regulatory agencies’ competencies. While practitioners, especially in individual offices in the Member States, may find such processes acceptable in relation to the ideal of effi cient and effective administration, these phenomena may be regarded as worrying from the point of view of control over a growing complex integrated administrative apparatus.