scholarly journals Concepções, aproximações e afastamentos de docentes universitários em relação ao movimento sindical

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Michelle Karoline Pereira da Silva ◽  
André Rodrigues Guimarães

The objective of this study is to analyze the process of closeness and distance of professors from the trade union movement, particularly in the case of union leaders from Federal University of Amapá Professors Trade Union (SINDUFAP), Trade Union Section of the National Union of Professors of Institutions of Higher Education (ANDES-SN), highlighting the syndicate conception that they defend in the context of transformations implemented by neoliberal governments in Brazil. The research is classified as a field research, with an exploratory nature. The subjects who participated in the research were professors who worked in the executive direction of the trade union from 1994 to 2018. It can be said that the problems imposed on trade unionism, as well as the motivations for closeness and distance are articulated with the broader issues of neoliberal policies implemented at national level which have negative consequences which need to be reflected about the limits (and possibilities) of trade unionism in general. In the core of the motivations to closeness and distance of the trade union are the conceptions of society, university and syndicate defended by the cited professors, even though other internal questions from the organizational issues need to be addressed. 

2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick

This article presents the author's reflections on the possibilities of a restructuring of the international trade union movement, on the basis of a collective research project to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) which seeks to open a debate within the movement over the lessons to be learned from its history as a guide for its future action. The most important question facing the trade union movement today is what is generally called 'globalisation', a phenomenon that goes back many years, both in terms of economic developments and labour struggles. From this perspective, the paper examines the basis for the existing divisions of the international labour movement, before going over the work of the ICFTU and of the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) to achieve the regulation of the multinational corporations and of the international economy, and concluding on the prospects for unity of action in the unions' work around the global economy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Strange

This article evaluates the changing assessments within the British trade union movement of the efficacy of European Union integration from the viewpoint of labour interests. It argues that there has been a marked further ‘Europeanisation’ of British trade unionism during the 1990s, consolidating an on-going process which previous research shows began in earnest in the mid 1980s. A shift in trade union economic policy assessments has seen the decisive abandonment of the previously dominant ‘naive’ or national Keynesianism. While there remain important differences in economic perspective between unions, these are not such as would create significant divisions over the question of European integration per se, the net benefits of which are now generally, though perhaps not universally, accepted. The absence of fundamental divisions is evident from a careful assessment of the debates about economic and monetary union at TUC Congress. The Europeanisation of British trade unionism needs to be seen within the context of an emergent regionalism, in Europe and elsewhere. It can best be understood as a rational response by an important corporate actor (albeit one whose national influence has been considerably diminished in recent decades) to globalisation and a significantly changing political economy environment.


1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-273
Author(s):  
Ronald E. Kowalski

On January 1, 1967, the Association of Teachers in Technical Institutions became the first organization of British academics to affiliate with the Trades Union Congress. Over the next ten years such major educational bodies as the National Union of Teachers, the National Association of Schoolmasters, and the Association of University Teachers followed its lead and sought formal alignment with the organized labor movement in Britain. Participation in the T.U.C. meant identification as a trade union. This issue lay at the very heart of a lengthy debate within the A.T.T.I. over affiliation. For affiliation required a fundamental reappraisal of the A.T.T.I.'s traditional professional identity and organizational principles, one that ultimately led its members to recognize and acknowledge both the Association's primary role as a teachers' trade union and its common interests with the labor movement. The issue generated similar debate within many British education associations and signaled the emergence of teachers as active participants in the trade union movement. But it was an issue not easily resolved given teachers' historical identity as professionals. A.T.T.I. presence in the T.U.C. helped other associations move in the same direction and eased acceptance of this new identity in many instances. The A.T.T.I. decision to affiliate thus represents an important turning point in the history of that Association and the relationship between academics and the organized labor movement in Britain.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Ravinder Jit

The trade union movement in India is facing many challenges. The finances of the unions are generally in a bad shape. Multiplicity of unions and inter-union rivalry makes it difficult to take a constructive approach to problems and issues. Heterogeneity of membership renders the unions unstable, weak, fragmented, uncoordinated and amorphous. Besides this, majority of unions are managed by professional politicians and lawyers who have no experience of physical work and no commitment to the organization. These outside leaders may give precedence to their personal interests and prejudices than welfare of the workers. Development of internal leadership is also not encouraged by unscrupulous politicians in the garb of union leaders. Keeping in mind all these challenges various scholars and practitioners have suggested certain measures to strengthen trade union movement in India. Developing internal leadership, presenting a united labor front for bargaining, ensuring financial stability of unions, having paid full time union office bearers, extending the boundaries of trade unions to unorganized sector and ensuring strong central legislation for recognition of representative union are some of the measures that can change the face of trade unionism in India.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolien Stolte

AbstractThis article considers Asianism in the Indian trade union movement, against the backdrop of increasing international cooperation between Asian trade union movements in the interwar period, which culminated in the short-lived Asiatic Labour Congress (1934–37). It demonstrates how Asianist enthusiasm both propelled and hampered Indian workers’ representation at the International Labour Organization and other international bodies. Finally, it considers Asianism as a crucial characteristic of Indian trade unionism in the interwar period, by showing how the All-India Trade Union Congress, once the hope of Indian labour as an organized force, split into rival federations over the issue of its Asian affiliations.


1998 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foden

This article provides an overview of the debate within the trade union movement on Europe's forthcoming economic and monetary union. It reviews the reasoning behind the ETUC's critical support for EMU and outlines the main issues in the trade union debate in ten European countries. It finds that the general political debate at national level has a significant influence on the discussion within the trade unions, and that the sector of the economy within which individual unions organise is also of relevance. Nevertheless, these specific concerns are placed within the framework of policy defined by the ETUC.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-549
Author(s):  
John Stirling

This article presents an analysis of the development of a trade union education program in Sierra Leone in the geo-historical context of British colonialism. It places the argument in relation to the contradictory trends of trade unionism more generally and alongside their antagonistic cooperation with capitalism. It discusses the limits and potentialities of a radical pedagogy when trade unions are constrained to engage with existing power structures that use English as the dominant language. It places more theoretical arguments within the context of a country characterized by major inequalities and facing the neo-liberal challenges of globalization and a trade union movement seeking to be representative of an informal workforce but rooted in the formal economy.


1966 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-266
Author(s):  
T. B. Caldwell

The history of the Syndicat des Employés du Commerce et de l'Industrie is of interest both for its considerable success in organising clerical workers, who, in general, have been slow to recognise the value of trade unionism and on account of the dominant role it played in the history of the Christian trade-union movement in France. In 1920 the 30,000 clerical workers organised in the Fédération Française des Syndicats d'Employés Catholiques (which had developed from the SECI) accounted for nearly a third of the membership of the Confédération Française des Travailleurs Chrétiens. The SECI provided the new confederation with its chairman, Jules Zirnheld, its general secretary, Gaston Tessier and almost the whole of its secretariat; its principles, its attitudes, its methods exercised a powerful influence on the confederation until Tessier's retirement from the chairmanship in 1953. Although its action developed in the context of a growing body of official Catholic doctrine on social and industrial questions, from the Papal Encyclical Rerum Novarum of 1891 onwards, its approach was determined essentially by the pressure of the needs of its members; “practical organisation has always attracted it more than ideology” wrote its general secretary, Charles Viennet, in 1914. In serving these needs it was deflected neither by the traditionalism of René de la Tour du Pin and Albert de Mun, who envisaged a corporate organisation of masters and men which would recreate the mediaeval guilds, nor by the democracv of Marc Sanpriier. which, involving acceotance of the Revolution as well as the Republic, looked forward to a trade-union movement „strictly concerned with trade and industrial questions, democratic to the core and deeply respectful of all moral convictions” and therefore implied membership of a broadly-based, democratic Confédération Générale du Travail. Nevertheless, in solving its problems as they arose the SECI evolved, and in so doing it gave to the Christian confederation a tradition of evolution, which led it finally, in 1964, to the abandonment of its specifically religious character.


ILR Review ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 480-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry Cradden

This article examines the actions of trade union leaders in response to religious discrimination in employment in Northern Ireland, and their influence on British Government policy-making on this question. The main finding is that despite the risk of alienating many members, the trade union movement persisted in seeking radical remedies for discrimination during the 1980s, and was influential in the shaping of anti-discrimination legislation enacted in 1989. The author finds points of similarity between this history and the AFL-CIO leadership's civil rights stand in the 1960s, and sees these examples as evidence that egalitarian values have played, and continue to play, an important role in shaping union purpose and action.


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