scholarly journals Melian dialogue syndrome in the Indian Ocean: A critical appraisal of Sri Lanka’s “small state dilemma” in the context of Indo-Sino rivalry

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
Punsara Amarasinghe

Abstract Sri Lanka’s foreign secretary’s statement indicating that Colombo would adopt “ India First” foreign policy appears to be a much-consoling phrase for the Indian diplomats. It is a fact beyond any dispute that New Delhi felt anxious about Sri Lanka’s extensive hobnobbing with China for years that has finally seen massive Chinese presence in the island nation. Given Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian ocean as a crucial hub in the Indian ocean governance, Colombo’s relations with Beijing have always created a tense situation in India. However, the newly elected president of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government’s novel approach to profess their foreign policy as India cantered doctrine raises some perplexity with the realpolitik caught by Sri Lanka. This paper seeks to examine the asymmetrical relationship that existed between Indian and Sri Lanka after the independence of both nations, wherein New Delhi used different means to carve Sri Lanka’s external relations for the best interests of India. Furthermore, this paper analyses the unequal position Sri Lanka has been facing as a small nation located near a ricing global power and how Sri Lanka struggles to balance both India and China in their rivalry in the Indian Ocean. The results emerge from this paper will reveal the impossibility of upholding neutrality for a small state before complex geopolitical power struggles.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anju Lis Kurian ◽  
◽  
C. Vinodan ◽  

In Asian and global power politics a maritime strategic angle concentrates on the value of fortifying and controlling sea lines of communications (SLOCs) for stability, economic growth, and development of nations. Consequently, both India and China are snooping to control SLOCs and safeguard their emergent and escalating worldwide interests. The advancement in and expansion of naval power satisfies the corresponding nationalist aspirations of Beijing and New Delhi. As a result, the development of their maritime capabilities would have a greater impact on the naval security architecture in the Indian Ocean. The hike in Chinese engagements across the Indian Ocean widely known as the String of Pearl’s stratagem is principally stimulated by a policy of maritime encirclement of India. Struggle to secure tactical energy resources which are quickly revolutionizing their navies could induce clashes and have major repercussions for global security affairs. Harmonious handling of both China’s and India’s cooperation will be crucial for regional as well as international peace and opulence shortly and everyone looks upon a fabulous Asia reflected in the world. Thus, this paper analyses the underlying factors that motivate both countries to have ambitious objectives in the Indian Ocean and could find out that securing energy is one of the driving forces in securing maritime dominance across the Indian Ocean.


Author(s):  
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri

This chapter explores the evolution of top Indian foreign policy-makers towards China’s role in the Indian Ocean. Chaudhuri gives a New Delhi insider’s view on the efforts by Indian leaders to engage with China on these issues under the previous Congress government. He argues that by the end of the Singh administration, Indian policy makers had concluded that China was an ‘autistic power’ and that their approach of engagement had failed. Chaudhuri tracks the further changes in India’s approach under Narendra Modi, including India’s decision to align with the United States and Japan. He argues that Modi’s major challenge in the Indian Ocean is now primarily one of implementation of India’s announced policies.


Author(s):  
Jingdong Yuan

This chapter provides a perspective on China’s growing security presence in the Indian Ocean and the strategic imperatives behind it and then India’s responses to these initiatives. The author argues that despite the apparent threats this presence presents to India, there are approaches that India and China can explore to reduce the risk of conflict. Jingdong Yuan also reviews China’s growing security presence in the Indian Ocean and the strategic imperatives behind it and India’s responses to these initiatives. Yuan argues that it is imperative that policymakers in both New Delhi and Beijing make concerted efforts to ensure that these two emerging powers can manage, if not completely avoid, their overlapping interests and ever-closer encounters in the Indian Ocean.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-100
Author(s):  
Manbir Singh, Dr. Jasdeep Kaur Dhami

The Indian Ocean woven together by transmission of trade, commands the control of majority of the world’s cargo ships, one third of the worlds cargo traffic and two thirds of total world’s oil shipments. The main aim of this paper is to analyse Real GDP, Imports and Exports of Indian Ocean RIM Association Member Nations. Time period of the study is from 1980 to 2019.  Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC) contributes 11.7 per cent share in world exports, in case of member nations highest share is of Singapore 2.1 per cent  followed by India and UAE 1.7 per cent, Australia 1.5 per cent, Thailand and Malaysia 1.3 per cent. Indonesia, South Africa, Bangladesh, Oman, Iran, Islamic Republic of, Sri Lanka the share in world exports is less than 1 per cent.  


2006 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Rossetto ◽  
N. Peiris ◽  
A. Pomonis ◽  
S. M. Wilkinson ◽  
D. Del Re ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 595-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siri Hettige ◽  
Richard Haigh

Purpose The impact of disasters caused by natural hazards on people in affected communities is mediated by a whole range of circumstances such as the intensity of the disaster, type and nature of the community affected and the nature of loss and displacement. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the need to adopt a holistic or integrated approach to assessment of the process of disaster recovery, and to develop a multidimensional assessment framework. Design/methodology/approach The study is designed as a novel qualitative assessment of the recovery process using qualitative data collection techniques from a sample of communities affected by the Indian Ocean tsunami in Eastern and Southern Sri Lanka. Findings The outcomes of the interventions have varied widely depending on such factors as the nature of the community, the nature of the intervention and the mode of delivery for donor support. The surveyed communities are ranked in terms of the nature and extent of recovery. Practical implications The indices of recovery developed constitute a convenient tool of measurement of effectiveness and limitations of external interventions. The assessment used is multidimensional and socially inclusive. Originality/value The approach adopted is new to post-disaster recovery assessments and is useful for monitoring and evaluation of recovery processes. It also fits into the social accountability model as the assessment is based on community experience with the recovery process.


Author(s):  
Alexey V. Kupriyanov

Until recently, Oceania was on the periphery of Indian foreign policy. This was due to a number of historical, political and economic reasons: the polities of Oceania historically weren’t a part of the Indian Ocean world; they gained independence too late, and the volume of India's trade with most of them is insignificant. The situation began to change after Narendra Modi came to power in 2014, but this process soon stalled. However, in recent months, there has been a sharp surge in Indian interest in Oceania. In the author's opinion, this is due to three processes: India's desire to enlist the support of its solar energy initiatives, the awareness of the weakness of its strategy of containing China in the Indian Ocean and and the formation of a triple informal alliance with the participation of India, Australia and France, which seems beneficial for these countries. The article analyzes the main imperatives and tasks of India, shows the process of their changes. The author points out that Fiji has historically played a major role in Indian politics in Oceania, but notes that in the near future Indian interest in Papua New Guinea and Tonga, two other island countries with their own armed forces, will grow. The article describes the existing interaction between India and the countries of the South Pacific and promising fields of cooperation. The author notes that Indian expansion in the region opens up new prospects for Russia and puts before it the question of formulating its own Indo-Pacific strategy, which would be combined with the Indian vision.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
PURNENDRA JAIN ◽  
TRIDIVESH SINGH MAINI

AbstractSubnational diplomacy has come to life in India. Although still nowhere near in the same league as their counterparts in North America, Europe, parts of Asia, and even other developing countries, subnational governments (SNGs) in India are increasingly engaged abroad through involvement in regional and global affairs, questioning the central government on international matters, seeking foreign direct investment, organizing trade fairs and investment summits, leading economic missions, and hosting visiting dignitaries to showcase their jurisdiction's economic potential. These new and emerging actors on India's foreign affairs landscape are pluralizing and decentralizing India's foreign policy, albeit in a limited way and on small scale, as all states and territories are not as yet actively involved in foreign affairs. The paper argues that management of India's external relations is no longer informed or conducted simply by a select group of diplomats, high-ranking political leaders, and other specialist foreign policy advisers in New Delhi. Today subnational actors are becoming an essential component in India's foreign affairs. They are joining the huge traffic of SNGs from countries around the world that are linking with counterparts and others across national borders to serve the interests of local constituencies. It is a trend that is changing not only diplomatic roles, but also the nature of economic and political relationships among government actors worldwide.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-243
Author(s):  
Raghvendra Kumar

The Indian Ocean has turned into the new geographical centre of power, where global power dynamics is being revealed. It has been transformed into a geostrategic heartland, forecasting new challenges and opportunities, and at the core of this is an emerging power, India, which, being located at a strategic juncture in the Indian Ocean, shapes much of this geostrategic transformation. Therefore, sustaining and improving security and continuing economic expansion, with an increased strategic presence in the region to safeguard its national, regional and global interests are some of the elements which greatly influence India’s involvement with the strategic island states of Africa in the Western Indian Ocean Region. In this backdrop, this article has tried to contextualise the ‘Western Indian Ocean Region’ and ‘situate the actors’ to explore the various contours of geostrategic engagements the region is witnessing. Further, the article examines India’s strategic interests in the Western Indian Ocean, which are critical for its global power aspirations. It discusses the linkages between India and the Western Indian Ocean island states of Africa, which would become the precursor for newer strategies and help in harnessing the potential of mutually beneficial cooperation. Lastly, the article seeks to re-engage with the island states of Africa to help forge a deeper cultural and strategic bond, which would be crucial in balancing the power equation in the region.


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