scholarly journals O interesie narodowym i racji stanu – rozważania teoretyczne

2018 ◽  
pp. 119-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaudia Kałążna ◽  
Remigiusz Rosicki
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Direct Reference ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Raison D’État ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Theoretical Considerations

The concepts of national interest or raison d’etat continue to be fundamental elements in the foreign policies of states. Making direct reference to these concepts is crucial for making the arguments employed in political discussions efficient. The paper presents theoretical considerations on the issue of raison d’etat or national interest. It attempts to distinguish between the meanings of these two concepts, presents the changes in how they have been understood and tries to approach them theoretically. It also refers to how the raison d’etat and national interest are understood by N. Machiavelli, C. Le Bret and a range of contemporary authors. The theoretical approach to national interest makes use of V. Udalov’s theory, which discusses this concept as understood by researchers from the two opposing blocs at the time of the Cold War – the USA and the USSR. The paper also refers to the concept of interest in the context of international relations.

scholarly journals Installation “Breakthrough”, Implementation and Memorialisation of the “Cold War” in the USA

2021 ◽  
pp. 58-64
Author(s):  
V.E. Dergacheva ◽  
Yu.G. Chernyshov
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The United States ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Cold War

Using the installation “Breakthrough” as an example, the article examines the widespread in the United States assessments and methods of memorializing the results of the Cold War. The authors note that the thesis of a US victory in the Cold War was central to official US political rhetoric in the early 1990s. This is confirmed by the politics of memory — in particular, the creation of the installation “Breakthrough”, the establishment of the commemorative medal “Cold War Victory Medal”, etc. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 is considered the most symbolic event of the end of the Cold War. One of the fragments of this wall is called “The Breakthrough”, it is now in Westminster College in Fulton (Missouri), where W. Churchill in 1946 pronounced his famous speech and where (in a symbolic sense) the Cold War began. Installation “Breakthrough”, being a symbol of the beginning and end of ideological confrontation, carries a certain ideological message — it is a “breakthrough to freedom” and victory in the “cold war”. However, by the early 2000s, when passions subsided in society and wider access to not only American, but also Soviet archival documents was opened up, more ba-lanced assessments of the causes and results of the Cold War began to appear in American scientific circles. Some American historians started talking about the common victory of the USA and the USSR over the ideological confrontation, which could develop into a dangerous “hot war.” Globalization also influenced the perception of the outcome of the Cold War: this confrontation is assessed by some American researchers as a natural stage in the development of international relations, which led to a new redistribution of centers of influence on the map of the “multipolar” world.

The ‘New Cold War’ in ‘critical International Relations studies’

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kubalkova ◽  
A. A. Cruickshank
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War

In the historiography of the Cold War a small but active group of American historians influenced by New Left radicalism rejected the view prevailing in the USA at the time in regard to the assignation of responsibility for the beginning and continuation of the Cold War.1 Although their reasoning took them along different routes and via different perceptions as to key dates and events, there were certain features all US revisionists had in common (some more generally recognized than others). Heavily involved as they were in the analysis of the US socio-economic system, the Soviet Union was largely left out of their concerns and it was the United States who had been found the ‘guilty’ party. The revisionists, of course inadvertently, corroborated Soviet conclusions, a fact gratefully acknowledged by Soviet writers.2

scholarly journals Challenges of cultural diplomacy

2016 ◽  
pp. 901-915
Author(s):  
Vasko Sutarov
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Cold War

Public and cultural diplomacy are concepts of foreign policies of almost all modern states. As concepts and practices they were especially important during the Cold War, albeit in diplomatic practice there have been some tendencies of communication for international relations and creating a foreign public perception, since the very beginning of the diplomacy. Due to the sophisticated modus operandi and unsuspected results in the creation of permanent partnership-friendly relations with foreign countries, this segment of diplomacy is known as a soft power in diplomatic practice. From the most prominent actors on the global political map to the world?s most prestigious universities, public and cultural diplomacy become attractive and challenging objects of interest. In our region, despite the examples of good diplomatic practice, debates and exchange of experiences on these issues are very rare.

scholarly journals Harmonization of the System of International Relations in the 21st Century: An Ideological Aspect

2021 ◽  
pp. 20-29
Author(s):  
В. Ю. Лукьянов ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Radical Islam ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War

This article dwells on the role of ideology in the formation of the system of modern international relations. It is demonstrated that ideology’s influence on international relations grew in the 20th century, primarily during the Cold War. Having compared the ideologies of communism and Western democracy, the author comes to the conclusion that they formed the basis for the foreign policies of the USA and the USSR and justified the two powers’ actions on the international scene. The current geopolitical situation in the world demonstrates that in the 21st century ideology has not only retained its influence on foreign policy of individual states and international relations in general, but also increased it. Further, the author identifies three most important ideological doctrines of the 21st century: Western democracy, radical Islam and the concept of the Russian world. The formation of the ideological basis of foreign policy in modern Russia is considered separately. The ideological evolution of the foreign policy of the USSR (Russia) is analysed, from the concept of universal values of the perestroika period and the idea of Russia’s integration into the Western structures of the 1990s (implying partnership between Russia and the West) to the concept of the Russian world, which worsened Russia’s relations with the West and led to ideological confrontation. In the final part of the article, the author proposes ways to stabilize the international situation, mitigate the severity of ideological confrontation and achieve if not a consensus, then at least a compromise between the three main ideologies of our time: Western democracy, radical Islam and the ideology of the Russian world.

scholarly journals NATO's approach to the Libyan crisis in the events of the «Arab spring»

2014 ◽  
pp. 172-176
Author(s):  
E. A. Repeshko
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The World ◽  
Modern System ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

The modern system of international relations more often faces the conflicts of different tension which appear in different regions of the world. Conflicts of the beginning of XXI century are determined by different political, economic, national and confessional reasons. The system of international relations faced the crisis. This system had existed for many centuries and was adopted in the Westphalia Peace. The ending of the Cold War made the world see the new conditions whose distinctive feature was an increasing quantitative index of clashes. A number of political changes at the beginning of the current decade have resulted in changes of political regimes in these countries. On the whole, the process of peaceful political transformation was characteristic of the events of the so-called «Arabic spring». However, similar changes in Libya proved to have a different character causing military changes and NATO's military intervention. If the process of social uprising turned into protest-street disturbances in Egypt and Tunis, in Libya there was an armed overthrow of the authorities by the opposition supported by foreign states. The author touches upon the events of the Arabic spring which resulted in overthrowing Gaddafi's regime. NATO' policy was criticized in the course of military actions in Libya. The author considers NATO's views, particularly, that of the USA, France and Great Britain in terms of the Libyan crisis and its solutions. The study of the conflict mechanism, its nature will allow to estimate taken by the world measures influencing the modern system of international relations.

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Bipolar Structure ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

NATO in Balkan’s Late Twenties Tide

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Xhavit Sadrijaj
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nobel Prize ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Iron Curtain ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Cold War

NATO did not intervene in the Balkans to overcome Yugoslavia, or destroy it, but above all to avoid violence and to end discrimination. (Shimon Peres, the former Israeli foreign minister, winner of Nobel Prize for peace) NATO’s intervention in the Balkans is the most historic case of the alliance since its establishment. After the Cold War or the "Fall of the Iron Curtain" NATO somehow lost the sense of existing since its founding reason no longer existed. The events of the late twenties in the Balkans, strongly brought back the alliance proving the great need for its existence and defining dimensions and new concepts of security and safety for the alliance in those tangled international relations.

Trust, but Verify

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.

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