11 The Role of Trade in the 2016 Election

2021 ◽  
pp. 227-244
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316802098744
Author(s):  
Kirby Goidel ◽  
Nicholas T. Davis ◽  
Spencer Goidel

In this paper, we utilize a module from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study to explore how individual perceptions of media bias changed over the course of the 2016 presidential campaign. While previous literature has documented the role of partisan affiliation in perceptions of bias, we know considerably less about how these perceptions change during a presidential election. Consistent with existing theories of attitude change, perceptions of bias polarize with strong Democrats moving toward believing the media were biased against Hillary Clinton (and in favor of Donald Trump) and independent-leaning Republicans moving toward believing the media were biased against Donald Trump. At the end of the 2016 election, more individuals believed the media were biased against their side. These effects were moderated by how much attention individuals paid to the campaign.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Nina Gorenc

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them.


2019 ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

After Donald Trump was elected as the American president, significant changes were observed in the Ukrainian-American relations. These especially included the lifting of embargo on lethal arms supply and the resumption of meetings of the Ukraine-US Strategic Partnership Commission. Contrary to D. Trump’s desire to conclude a U.S. - Russia “Big Deal”, Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. Congress held a bipartisan position on Ukraine supporting the expansion of sanctions on various occasions – from the on-going conflict in Donbas and Russian attempts to influence the 2016 election campaign to imposing obstacles for the supply of Russian weapons to the third countries. Assessments of American academic and political experts do not give reason to believe that the U.S. political circles are ready to move from remote support of Ukraine in the mood of long-term deterrence doctrine to intensive forms of military and military-political participation. Acknowledging Russia’s rejection of the post-Cold War Euro-Atlantic security order, American observers are inclined to suppose that the conflict in Donbas is unlikely to be finally settled. In case of its freezing, this conflict will pose potential or acute threats to the economy and security of Ukraine. Within such a trend Ukraine will play the role of one of the major subjects of long-term tensions and discord in economic and military relations between Russia and the West. 


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bergman ◽  
Dari Sylvester Tran ◽  
Philip Yates

Chapter 6 examines the role of voter identification requirements to register and cast a ballot in the 2016 U.S. election. Evidence is drawn from a county-level data set based on public records of votes cast for the two major party candidates to investigate the effects of lax and strict voter registration requirements in 50 U.S. states plus D.C. on the number of votes won by Clinton and Trump at county level, controlling for the demographic characteristics of counties, such as educational and poverty levels. The study concludes that, even with these controls, the type of voter ID laws did significantly impact the outcome; in the 2016 election, the estimates suggest that voter ID laws increased GOP support by 1.8% and lowered support for Democrats by 0.7%. In close contests, this made a difference, with voter ID significantly influencing the vote in favor of the GOP.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311880861 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Mutz

I am delighted to have the opportunity to respond to Morgan’s article, which is a critique of my recent publication (Mutz 2018). I will restrict my response to matters concerning the data and analysis, excluding issues such as whether the journal PNAS is appropriately named (Morgan this issue:3) as well as Morgan’s views about how this work was covered in various media outlets (Morgan this issue:3–6). These issues are less important than whether material self-interest or status threat motivated Trump supporters.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Stershic ◽  
Kritee Gujral

Online prediction markets are a powerful tool for aggregating information and show promise as predictive tools for uncertain outcomes, from sporting events to election results. However, these markets only serve as effective prediction tools so long as the market pricing remains efficient. We analyze the potential arbitrage profits derived from such mispricings in two leading American political prediction markets, PredictIt (for the 2016 and 2020 elections) and the Iowa Electronic Markets (for the 2016 election), to quantify the degree of mispricing and to show how market design can contribute to price distortion. We show that contracts hosted by PredictIt, compared to the IEM, are chronically mispriced, with large arbitrage profits in the 2016 election markets and non-negligible profits for the 2020 markets. We discuss the role of profit fees and contract limits, the primary differences between the PredictIt and IEM, in distorting pricing on PredictIt by limiting the ability of traders to capture arbitrage profits. Additionally, we examine the association between arbitrage and margin-linking, increased liquidity, and the number of unique contracts PredictIt's markets. This research provides cautionary evidence of potential inefficiencies in prediction markets with the intention of improving market implementation and enhancing market predictiveness.


Author(s):  
Noor Ali

Muslim American high school seniors navigate their educational spaces at a time when the 2016 Election has unleashed a rhetoric that is riddled with Islamophobia. The experiences of four female participants engages us in their counter-narratives, debunking stereotypes and assumptions that exist about their demographic. The formal and informal experiences of the educational journeys of these participants help us explore the role of family, faith-based education, mosque, and community in the lives of these students. The social and academic learning opportunities for these participants showcased instances of inclusion and marginalization, where there were times when the students underwent a double consciousness. Transitioning from faith-based schools to the public education system became easier when positioned in a climate of diversity. Muslim American students experience a dichotomous pull between religious values and American culture and remain cognizant of these differences. Muslim educational leadership will find the study insightful.


Author(s):  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Emily K. Vraga ◽  
Kjerstin Thorson

Chapter 7 tackles the challenges posed by misinformation campaigns and fake news, an issue of growing concern in America and around the world. Following the 2016 U.S. presidential elections, academics and pundits alike struggled to make sense of what happened, and many pointed to the role of fake news and misinformation more broadly in leading voters astray in their assessments of the two major candidates for president. This chapter draws on survey data to investigate how media use in general, and use of social media and partisan media more specifically, affected belief in six fake news stories directly following the 2016 election. The analysis assesses whether use of different types of media affected belief in misinformation—including messages congruent and incongruent with their own candidate preferences—providing insight into what was to blame for belief in fake news in the 2016 elections.


Cyberwar ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 32-56
Author(s):  
Kathleen Hall Jamieson

Chapter 2 of Cyberwar explores the insights offered by seventy-five-plus years of political communications research about the effects of media and interpersonal communication on voters and voting. After first noting factors that increased voter susceptibility to communication effects in the 2016 election, Jamieson outlines the role of processes such as priming, agenda setting, framing, and contagion in political persuasion, how interpersonal and mass communication can affect voters and their voting intentions, and some factors that can blunt or bolster the power of communication. The chapter concludes by explaining how this underlying theory of communication suggests that Russian interventions could have affected voters.


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