Chapter Ten. “Private” Reform Ideas Possible Market Solutions

Boilerplate ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 189-196
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 609-628
Author(s):  
Karl Guebert

In the context of increased expectations of healthcare services and fiscal pressures, rights claims constitute a force pushing for privatization and thus threaten Canada’s single-tier public system. This article introduces the concept of a ‘post-social right’ to understand the current legal effort to enforce a right to healthcare derivative of section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Commonly considered as a ‘negative’ right, I suggest that the right also has positive capacity. Rather than simply protecting against unjust state intervention, section 7 claims valorize a particular mode of sustaining life, liberty and security of the person according to neo-liberal principles. A right to markets in healthcare aligns health law with the logic of prudentialism as a technology of governance. As the enforceability of the right expands and strengthens, health law as governance operates to normalize market solutions to health matters. It follows that a form of two-tier citizenship arises, dividing ‘activated’ citizens from the ‘inactive’.


1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 384-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELISABETH GIDENGIL

Do differences in basic values and concerns underlie differences in the issue positions of women and men? This article uses a decomposition approach to assess the contribution of male-female differences in basic values and concerns to the gender gap in support for the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement in the 1988 Canadian federal election. Drawing on the work of Gilligan and other “difference” theorists, I theorize these differences in terms of “social woman” and “economic man.” The results support this interpretation. Men were more likely to bring economic considerations to bear in evaluating the agreement, whereas women's opinions were more likely to be influenced by their commitment to the welfare state and their greater concern for social programs. Women also proved to be more egalitarian and less persuaded of the virtues of competition and market solutions than were men.


2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-926 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Jensen

A novel theory of the healthcare policy of right-wing governments is presented in this article. It posits that the politics of health care is inherently different from the politics of a social policy related to the labour market. Health care protects against risks that are in the main uncorrelated with the income distribution. This implies that median voters will favour public provision, while high-income voters will not. This generates a unique challenge to right-wing governments that have to balance the interests of the two. The solution is marketization via compensation, where public spending is expanded but where public support of private market solutions is given special priority.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (02) ◽  
pp. 147-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIANLUCA ELIA ◽  
A. MARGHERITA ◽  
G. SECUNDO ◽  
K. MOUSTAGHFIR

The pervasiveness of scientific developments has raised the role of entrepreneurship as a driver of socio-economic value. Higher education institutions are thus asked to create entrepreneurial mindset and competencies with the purpose to make students people able to proactively identify opportunities and transform them in market solutions. In particular, engineering education programs can be of relevance to develop technology entrepreneurship competencies through hands-on and experiential approaches. In such vein, this paper proposes a model of entrepreneurship education as an "activation" process which uses four critical levers with the purpose to infuse the essence of entrepreneurship in tomorrow's engineering professionals. The application of the model is exemplified through the analysis of a research training program grounded in the aerospace domain. The key features of the initiative are discussed in the perspective of exploring new models of entrepreneurial engineering education.


2015 ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Pascal Gielen

AbstractHow can artists stay autonomous, and keep their creativity alive in the contemporary society? In this paper is stated that the individual bourgeois model of the artist is not sufficient any more to make autonomous art and to stay creative on the long run. If artists want to stay mobile and autonomous they need to build collective organizational structures, which are called 'traveling caravan'. In the parallel historical shifts between 1970 and 2000 from liberalism to neo-liberalism, from Fordism to post-Fordism and from modern to contemporary art, artists need to build up their own artistic biotope if they need to make their work without governmental interference (subsidizes) and free market solutions. The cooperative can be seen as an interesting model to develop such a 'mobile autonomy'.


Author(s):  
Peter Dauvergne

This chapter analyzes the turn within mainstream environmentalism toward business partnerships, cause marketing, professional fundraising, and the co-branding of products. The chapter further examines the role of nongovernmental organizations in setting up and running eco-labeling and eco-certification organizations. WWF, also known as the World Wildlife Fund and the World Wide Fund for Nature, is a leader in the nongovernmental embrace of business, markets, and certification as ways to conserve nature and improve environmental conditions. Certification standards, such as those of the Marine Stewardship Council and the Round Table on Responsible Soy, are creating some modest reforms to business practices. NGO-business partnerships, such as the one between WWF and Coca-Cola, are also producing some small-scale benefits. But partnering with business and relying on market solutions risks legitimizing business as usual as well as shifting responsibility for global environmental problems onto consumers, a weak global force of change compared to the forces of unsustainability.


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