Future conditionals in Lycian

2021 ◽  
Vol 126 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-260
Author(s):  
José Marcos Macedo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
The Future ◽  
Funerary Inscriptions

Abstract Lycian funerary inscriptions, being overall legal statements regarding the correct management of the tomb after the death of its owner, comprise many future conditional clauses consisting of two types, paratactic and hypotactic. In the latter a preposed relative clause precedes a resumptive main clause, while in the former two adjoining main clauses are interpreted as protasis and apodosis without any obligatory subordinator. In the last case, the general rule is that some constituent pertaining to the preceding prohibition clause against unauthorized burial undergoes left dislocation, the contrastive topic pointing to the conditional character of the sentence. The lack of an overt subordinator in the paratactic type - the odd modal particle e͂‘if’ is at best optional - points to an archaism in Lycian, as opposed to Hittite and Luwian. This paper aims at providing a critical description of the future conditionals in the corpus, accounting for how they are formed and used.

scholarly journals Clause Intertwining and Word Order in Ancient Greek

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger J. Allan
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Complex Sentences ◽  
Narrow Focus ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Pragmatic Function ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Complement Clause

AbstractIn Ancient Greek complex sentences consisting of a main and complement clause, constituents which semantically and syntactically belong to the complement clause can be placed in a position preceding or interrupting the main clause. This phenomenon is referred to as clause or sentence intertwining. This paper examines the pragmatic factors involved in the preposing of contituents in sentences containing an in initival complement clause. It will be argued that the specific pragmatic function of the preposed constituents is Theme (left dislocation), new/contrastive topic or narrow focus. Preposing can be analyzed as a device to pragmatically highlight the involved constituents. The paper also addresses the position of new, contrastive and given topics and of adverbs and clauses with Setting function.

6. Formalities

Contract Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245-258
Author(s):  
Ewan McKendrick
Keyword(s):  
General Rule ◽  
Contract Law ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Law ◽  
Formal Requirements ◽  
Made In

Requirements of form (such as writing) are not as important today as they were in the past. As a general rule, contracts can be made in any form and can be proved by any means, although there remain exceptional cases where the law does insist upon requirements of form. This chapter, which considers the reasons for continued reliance upon requirements of form, along with the criticisms levelled against such requirements, begins by explaining why legal systems impose formal requirements upon contracting parties. It then outlines the formal requirements in English contract law, followed by a discussion of the future of formal requirements, noting the distinction between cases where the contract must be made in writing and cases in which contracts must be evidenced in writing.

6. Formalities

Contract Law ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewan McKendrick
Keyword(s):  
General Rule ◽  
Contract Law ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Law ◽  
Formal Requirements ◽  
Made In

Requirements of form (such as writing) are not as important today as they were in the past. As a general rule, contracts can be made in any form and can be proved by any means, although there remain exceptional cases where the law does insist upon requirements of form. This chapter, which considers the reasons for continued reliance upon requirements of form, along with the criticisms levelled against such requirements, begins by explaining why legal systems impose formal requirements upon contracting parties. It then outlines the formal requirements in English contract law, followed by a discussion of the future of formal requirements, noting the distinction between cases where the contract must be made in writing and cases in which contracts must be evidenced in writing.

Resumptivity and two types of A′‑dependencies in the Minimalist Program

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-78
Author(s):  
Victor Junnan Pan
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Diagnostic Tests ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Locality Condition ◽  
Sharp Distinction ◽  
Crossover Effects ◽  
Locality Constraint ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Semantic Properties

This paper examines the derivation of two types of A′-dependencies — relative clauses and Left-Dislocation structures — in the framework of Minimalist Program based on Mandarin data. Relatives and LD structures demonstrate many distinct syntactic and semantic properties when they contain a gap and a resumptive pronoun respectively. A thorough study of the relevant data reveals that when a gap strategy is adopted, island effects and crossover effects are always observed, irrespective of whether the relevant gap is embedded within a relative clause or within an LD structure; on the contrary, when the resumptive strategy is adopted, a sharp distinction is observed between these two structures. A resumptive relative clause gives rise to island effects and crossover effects systematically; by contrast, a resumptive LD structure never gives rise to these effects. In the Minimalist Program, island effects and crossover effects are not exclusively used as diagnostic tests for movement since the operation Agree is also subject to locality constraints. I will argue that a relative clause containing either a gap or an RP and an LD structure with gap are derived by Agree and they are subject to the locality condition whereas a resumptive LD structure is derived by Match that is an island free operation and it is not subject to the locality constraint. Multiple Transfer and multiple Spell-Out are possible in an Agree chain, but not in a Matching chain. The choice of the derivational mechanism depends on the interpretability of the formal features attached to the Probe and to the Goal in the relevant A′-dependencies.

scholarly journals Head raising analysis and case revaluation

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Ager Gondra
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Multiple Agree

This paper shows that Basque relative clause construction follows the Head Raising Analysis: the CP of the relative clause is a complement to the external D and the Head of the relative clause, base-generated inside the TP, moves to the specifier position of the CP. This analysis predicts that the raised DPwill show a TP-internal Case. However, this is not the case, and the DP manifests the Case associated with the main clause. In order to address these Case inconsistencies, <em>Precariousness </em>Condition is proposed. This condition states that a <sub>D</sub>Case valued u-feature is <em>precarious</em> until it is sent to Spell-Out and therefore, the value is visible for further targeting by a c-commanding Probe.  Evidence for this multiple Agree operation comes from a DP long distance extraction.

scholarly journals Application of Reliability Theory to Insurance

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Straub
Keyword(s):  
Stability Criterion ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Reliability Theory ◽  
Exact Calculation ◽  
Stanford University ◽  
Risk Models ◽  
Loss Probabilities ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Future ◽  
Elegant Proof

1. There is a general rule applicable to all insurance and reinsurance fields according to which the level of the so-called technical minimum premium should be fixed such that a certain stability criterion is satisfied for the portfolio under consideration. The two bestknown such criteria are(i) the probability that there is a technical loss in any of the future years should be less than a given percentage(ii) the probability that the company gets “ruined” i.e. initial reserves plus accumulated premiums minus accumulated claims becomes negative at any time of a given period in the future should be less than a tolerated percentage.Confining ourselves to criterion (i) in the present paper we may then say that the problem of calculating technical minimum premiums is broadly spoken equivalent with the problem of estimating loss probabilities. Since an exact calculation of such probabilities is only possible for a few very simple and therefore mostly unrealistic risk models and since e.g. Esscher's method is not always very easy to apply in practice it might be worthwhile to describe in the following an alternative approach using results and techniques from Reliability Theory in order to establish bounds for unknown loss probabilities.It would have been impossible for me to write this paper without having had the opportunity of numerous discussions with the Reliability experts R. Barlow and F. Proschan while I was at Stanford University. In particular I was told the elegant proof of theorem 3 given below by R. Barlow recently.

Grammatical Tone Patterns of Negative and Relative Verbs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura J. Downing ◽  
Al Mtenje
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Negative Polarity ◽  
Main Clause

This chapter takes up two additional parameters that condition grammatical tone in Chichewa, namely: negative polarity and relative clause type. There are fewer grammatical tone patterns for negative and relative verbs, compared to affirmative main clause verbs. The inflections that grouped together for the tone patterns discussed in Chapter 7 do not always group together for the corresponding negative and relative paradigms. The two core sections of the chapter illustrate in detail the tone patterns for negative and relative verbs. The concluding section of the chapter takes up the often neglected issue of where grammatical tone patterns are represented in the grammar.

Thomas/Alford Force on a Partial-Admission Turbine for the Rocket Engine Turbopump

2018 ◽  
Vol 141 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuyuki Yada ◽  
Masaharu Uchiumi ◽  
Ken-ichi Funazaki
Keyword(s):  
Future Development ◽  
Dynamic Instability ◽  
Rocket Engine ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Stable Operation ◽  
The Future ◽  
Partial Admission ◽  
Rotor Dynamic

This paper describes an imbalanced torque force, called the Thomas/Alford force, of a partial-admission turbine for the rocket engine turbopump. The Thomas/Alford force is a destabilizing force imposed on the rotor that could cause rotor dynamic instability. This, in turn, may impair stable operation of the rocket engine and trigger mission failure. Such destabilizing force should be avoided as its characteristics have not been discussed in detail. In this study, Thomas/Alford forces for typical symmetric partially open/closed nozzle patterns with an open/closed ratio are analyzed. For such an open/closed ratio, it was determined that the Thomas/Alford force varied with the whirling angle, and whether the open/closed ratio may impair stable operation and reliability of the rocket engine turbopump is contingent on avoiding such fluctuation. The reason for such fluctuation was investigated by mathematical methodology, which was then extended to determine a general rule of patterns for rocket engine designers. This rule would, thus, prove useful in the future development of a partial-admission turbine for a rocket engine turbopump.

On the syntactic differences between OE dialects: evidence from the Gospels

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
CRISTINA SUÁREZ-GÓMEZ
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
English Language ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
The West ◽  
Linguistic Differences ◽  
Syntactic Differences ◽  
Early English

Old English has traditionally been considered a period of linguistic homogeneity, since most available recorded texts are generally written in the West Saxon dialect. There are, however, isolated texts which have been ascribed to other varieties, in particular Northumbrian and Mercian. In fact, recent research on syntactic dialectology in early English (Kroch & Taylor 1997; Ogura 1999; Hogg 2004, 2006a; Ingham 2006) shows that linguistic variation has been present in the English language from the earliest times. This study reassesses the existence of variation in the syntax of texts belonging to different dialectal varieties in Old English, in particular in relative constructions. Based on an analysis of relative clauses in three versions of the Gospels from late Old English, representing West Saxon, Northumbrian and Mercian dialects, we will observe differences in the texts, regarding both the paradigm of relativizers and the position adopted by the relative clause within the main clause. I relate these differences to the existence of linguistic differences in northern and southern dialects.

scholarly journals Contrasting Contrastive Left-Dislocation Explications

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel den Dikken ◽  
Balázs Surányi
Keyword(s):  
Recent Literature ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Parametric Variation ◽  
Contrastive Topic ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Deep Anaphora

Of the three logically possible approaches to contrastive left-dislocation (CLD) (base-generation cum deep anaphora; movement cum surface anaphora; elliptical clausal juxtaposition cum resumption), two are represented prominently in the recent literature. Ott’s (2014) account treats CLD uniformly in terms of clausal juxtaposition, the first clause being stripped down to its contrastive topic via an ellipsis operation said to be akin to sluicing. He argues that this analysis is superior to Grohmann’s (2003) approach, featuring movement within a single prolific domain and late spell-out of a resumptive element. Using data mainly from Hungarian and Dutch, we reveal problems for Ott’s biclausal account that undermine its apparent conceptual appeal and compromise its descriptive accuracy. We show that the ellipsis operation required is sui generis, that the approach fails to assimilate the crosslinguistic variation attested in the availability of multiple CLD to known cases of parametric variation in the left periphery, and that it undergenerates in several empirical domains, including P-stranding and “floated” arguments. Grohmann’s movement- cum-surface-anaphora analysis as it stands also cannot handle all these data, but it can be fixed to fit the facts. For Ott’s analysis, no patches seem available. Some further empirical properties of CLD appear underivable from either of these approaches. For these, the base-generation- cum-deep-anaphora analysis can be considered.

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