Complex predicates, simple inflecting verbs, and “uninflecting verbs” in Pre-Basque

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 1609-1658
Author(s):  
Gontzal Aldai

AbstractHow might Basque have looked before it came in contact with Latin? This interesting line of research may give us an idea of what the pre-Indo-European languages of Europe might have looked like, and it may help clarify how much contact-induced change Basque might have undergone during the last two millennia or so. The present paper puts forward the hypothesis that, towards the end of the Era (BC), Pre-Basque used to have a small class of verbs. These verbs were inflected for person and tense-aspect (although we know little about the specific characteristics of this inflectional system). Together with this small class of verbs, Pre-Basque had a larger group of uninflecting elements that combined with the inflecting verbs to form complex predicates. The group of uninflecting elements included bare nouns, adjectives, possibly adverbs, ideophones, and what I will call “uninflecting verbs”. The exact nature of these “uninflecting verbs” is hard to determine at this point, but they may have constituted a distinct part of speech. Certainly, this type of verbal organization is reminiscent of one common in Northern Australia. Thus, this paper also compares the reconstruction proposed for Pre-Basque with the verbal system typical in Northern Australian languages, to conclude that the similarities are remarkable and, therefore, that the verbal organization of Pre-Basque was quite different from that of the modern Western European languages, including Modern Basque.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-154
Author(s):  
Marieke Meelen ◽  
David Willis

This article introduces the working methods of the Parsed Historical Corpus of the Welsh Language (PARSHCWL). The corpus is designed to provide researchers with a tool for automatic exhaustive extraction of instances of grammatical structures from Middle and Modern Welsh texts in a way comparable to similar tools that already exist for various European languages. The major features of the corpus are outlined, along with the overall architecture of the workflow needed for a team of researchers to produce it. In this paper, the two first stages of the process, namely pre-processing of texts and automated part-of-speech (POS) tagging are discussed in some detail, focusing in particular on major issues involved in defining word boundaries and in defining a robust and useful tagset.


Author(s):  
Ludovico Franco

AbstractIn this article, the author demonstrates that verbal compound constructions involving an ideophone and a light verb represent a widespread syntactic device in the world's languages. The author provides evidence that phono-symbolic morphemes cannot be treated as ‘bare’ direct objects in such constructions. Ideophones appearing in the light verb-adjacent position form a semantic unit with the verbal predicate, despite the fact that in some languages they can be syntacticized as (bare) nouns and appear in argumental position. Specifically, ideophones in complex predicates are part of the verbal domain with which they ‘blend’ (yielding a single predicate) through the mechanism of conflation, along the lines of Hale and Keyser (1993, 2002), and building on Ramchand (2008).


Author(s):  
Timothy Smiley

The predicate calculus is the dominant system of modern logic, having displaced the traditional Aristotelian syllogistic logic that had been the previous paradigm. Like Aristotle’s, it is a logic of quantifiers – words like ‘every’, ‘some’ and ‘no’ that are used to express that a predicate applies universally or with some other distinctive kind of generality, for example ‘everyone is mortal’, ‘someone is mortal’, ‘no one is mortal’. The weakness of syllogistic logic was its inability to represent the structure of complex predicates. Thus it could not cope with argument patterns like ‘everything Fs and Gs, so everything Fs’. Nor could it cope with relations, because a logic of relations must be able to analyse cases where a quantifier is applied to a predicate that already contains one, as in ‘someone loves everyone’. Remedying the weakness required two major innovations. One was a logic of connectives – words like ‘and’, ‘or’ and ‘if’ that form complex sentences out of simpler ones. It is often studied as a distinct system: the propositional calculus. A proposition here is a true-or-false sentence and the guiding principle of propositional calculus is truth-functionality, meaning that the truth-value (truth or falsity) of a compound proposition is uniquely determined by the truth-values of its components. Its principal connectives are negation, conjunction, disjunction and a ‘material’ (that is, truth-functional) conditional. Truth-functionality makes it possible to compute the truth-values of propositions of arbitrary complexity in terms of their basic propositional constituents, and so develop the logic of tautology and tautological consequence (logical truth and consequence in virtue of the connectives). The other invention was the quantifier-variable notation. Variables are letters used to indicate things in an unspecific way; thus ‘x is mortal’ is read as predicating of an unspecified thing x what ‘Socrates is mortal’ predicates of Socrates. The connectives can now be used to form complex predicates as well as propositions, for example ‘x is human and x is mortal’; while different variables can be used in different places to express relational predicates, for example ‘x loves y’. The quantifier goes in front of the predicate it governs, with the relevant variable repeated beside it to indicate which positions are being generalized. These radical departures from the idiom of quantification in natural languages are needed to solve the further problem of ambiguity of scope. Compare, for example, the ambiguity of ‘someone loves everyone’ with the unambiguous alternative renderings ‘there is an x such that for every y, x loves y’ and ‘for every y, there is an x such that x loves y’. The result is a pattern of formal language based on a non-logical vocabulary of names of things and primitive predicates expressing properties and relations of things. The logical constants are the truth-functional connectives and the universal and existential quantifiers, plus a stock of variables construed as ranging over things. This is ‘the’ predicate calculus. A common option is to add the identity sign as a further logical constant, producing the predicate calculus with identity. The first modern logic of quantification, Frege’s of 1879, was designed to express generalizations not only about individual things but also about properties of individuals. It would nowadays be classified as a second-order logic, to distinguish it from the first-order logic described above. Second-order logic is much richer in expressive power than first-order logic, but at a price: first-order logic can be axiomatized, second-order logic cannot.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maya Dank ◽  
Avital Deutsch

The present study investigated the process of accessing gender information when producing inanimate nouns in Hebrew. The Picture Word Interference paradigm was used to manipulate gender congruency between target pictures and spoken distractors. Naming latency and accuracy were measured. The gender congruency effect has been tested in various Indo-European languages, with mixed results. It seems to depend on both language-specific attributes and the syntactic context of the utterance. Speakers’ insensitivity to gender congruency was observed at 3 SOAs (Experiment 1a–1c). Neither the production of bare nouns (Experiments 1 & 3) nor gender-marked NPs (Experiment 2) elicited the effect. Nevertheless, the same procedure and targets revealed a semantic effect. The present findings in Hebrew deviate from previous results obtained with Indo-European languages. The results are discussed in connection with Hebrew’s nonconcatenative morphological features and the way linguistic characteristics govern the organizational principles of the mental lexicon and lexical access.


Author(s):  
Eduard S. Klyshinsky ◽  
Varvara K. Logacheva ◽  
Olesya V. Karpik ◽  
Alexander V. Bondarenko

The grammatical ambiguity (multiple sets of grammatical features for one word form or coinciding surface forms of different words) can be of different types. We distinguish six classes of grammatical ambiguity: unambiguous, ambiguous by grammatical features, by part of speech, by lemma, by lemma and part of speech, and out-of-vocabulary words. These classes are found in all languages, but word distribution may vary significantly. We calculated and analysed the statistics of these six ambiguity classes for a number of European languages. We found that the distribution of ambiguous words among these classes depends primarily on basic linguistic features of a language determining its typology class. Although it is influenced by text style and the considered vocabulary, the distinctive shape of the distribution is preserved under different conditions and differs significantly from distributions for other languages. The fact that the shape is primarily defined by linguistic properties is corroborated by the fact that closely related languages demonstrated in our research similar properties as far as their ambiguous words are concerned. We established that Slavic languages feature a low rate of part-of-speech ambiguous words and a high rate of words which are ambiguous by grammatical features. The former is also true for French and Italian, while the latter holds for German and Swedish, whereas the combination of these traits is characteristic of Slavic languages alone. The experiments showed that reduction of the grammatical feature set does not change the shape of distribution and therefore does not reflect similarity among languages. On the other hand, we found that the top 1000 most frequent words in all the languages considered have different distribution in ambiguity classes unlike in the rest of the words. At the same time, for the majority of considered languages, less frequent words are less unambiguous by part of speech. In Romance and Germanic languages, the ambiguity is reduced for less frequent words. We also investigated the differences in statistics for texts of different genres in the Russian language. We found out that fiction texts are more ambiguous by part of speech than newswire, which are in turn more ambiguous by grammatical features. Our results suggest that the quality of multilingual morphological taggers should be measured relying only on ambiguous words as opposed to all words of the processed text. Such an approach can help get a more objective linguistic picture and enhance the performance of linguistic tools.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Anna Godzich

The paper deals with Italian helping verbs (modal, aspectual, causative verbs) and light verbs which form complex predicates and with the rules that guide its use in Italian descriptive grammars published in Italy between 1953 and 2005. The author shows that those forms in both – traditional and contemporary Italian descriptive grammars are treated at the level of word classes whereas it could be more appropriate to discuss them as clause elements as they form complex predicates. In our opinion this way of describing such verbs is due to the tradition in Italy to focus on a form and not on function of an element. What is more, Italian grammarians tend to omit in Italian descriptive grammars noun predicationand the role of semantic predicate (n pred.). The goal of the paper is to present the advantages of an integrated approach to helping verbs (modal, aspectual, causative verbs) and light verbs in modern Italian. The author emphasizes its importance for contemporary Italian FL syntax teaching.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-345
Author(s):  
Eystein Dahl

Abstract This paper examines the development of the aspect systems in the Indo-European languages Vedic and Latin. Even though aspectual distinctions are central in the verbal systems of both of these languages at the beginning of their attested traditions, they undergo quite different developments in the course of their history. The Vedic verbal system instantiates a classic case of the development from aspect to tense, whereas Latin maintains an aspect-based verbal system, which survives in the Romance languages. The paper explores the semantic properties of the Vedic and Latin past tenses in some detail from two distinct perspectives: a neo-Reichenbachian model, where aspect is regarded as a type of relation between reference time and event time (cf. e.g., Dahl 2010, 2015), and a model where aspect involves different types of partitive operators (cf. Altshuler 2013, 2014). Although these two approaches may first appear to be in conflict, the paper attempts to show that they represent complementary perspectives highlighting different dimensions of aspectual meaning.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonid Kulikov ◽  
Nikolaos Lavidas

This article examines various aspects of the reconstruction of the passive in Proto-Indo-European (PIE), foremost on the basis of evidence from the Indo-Aryan (Early Vedic) and Greek branches. In Proto-Indo-European the fundamental distinction within the verbal system is between the active and middle, while specialized markers of the passive are lacking and the passive syntactic pattern is encoded with middle inflection. Apart from the suffix *-i̯(e/o)- (for which we cannot reconstruct a passive function in the proto-language) and several nominal derivatives, we do not find sufficient evidence for specialized passive morphology. The role of the middle (and stative) in the expression of the passive in ancient IE languages raises important theoretical questions and is a testing ground for the methods of syntactic reconstruction. We will examine the contrast between non-specialized and specialized markers of the passive in Early Vedic and Greek. Most Indo-European languages have abandoned the use of middle forms in passive patterns, while Greek is quite conservative and regularly uses middle forms as passives. In contrast, Indo-Aryan has chosen a different, anti-syncretic, strategy of encoding detransitivizing derivational morphology, though with the middle inflection consistently preserved in passive ya-presents. These two branches, Indo-Aryan and Greek, arguably instantiate two basic types of development: a syncretic type found in many Western branches, including Greek, and an anti-syncretic type attested in some Eastern branches, in particular in Indo-Aryan.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 209-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Pensalfini

The Jingulu language of central-northern Australia presents some difficulties in terms of classifying certain of its lexemes into part of speech categories. Personal names, for instance, which should be nouns on notional grounds, have the phonological and morphosyntactic properties of interjections, whilst notionally verbal roots are distinctly non-verbal in their distribution. These phenomena are analysed according to the principles of autolexical syntax, wherein different levels of representation of the same linguistic item (morphem, word, phrase and so forth) need not necessarily correspond to one another exactly.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-482
Author(s):  
Meng-Chen Lee ◽  
Werner Abraham

AbstractThis paper proposes an analysis of the DP structure of Chinese in comparison with German and other West Germanic languages, particularly English. The analysis is linked to sentence structure, particularly event structure of the respective languages and the relation between nominal classifiers and sentential tense. Chinese is a language without nominal declension; German is not as other Indo-European languages. Among the inflectional paradigms, German has retained from earlier periods, and developed further, the coding of topicality in terms of familiarity and anaphoricity. While Chinese shares with German clause syntactic topicality, it does so purely in terms of clause-early and clause-late word order. German, by contrast, involves specific positions in the serial middle field to code referential familiarity, anaphoricity, and, above all, weak versus strong referential weight to distinguish, among other functions, specific versus unspecific reference. The categories involved in coding such properties in German are determiners and the declensional morphology of attributes (‘strong’ versus ‘weak’ inflection providing specific reference). This paper investigates the regularities of weak and strong reference in Chinese. The discussion yields insight into the structural coding that Chinese provides instead of what is encoded in German in morphological terms on adjectival attributes and in terms determiners ((in)definite articles and bare nouns). In the course, the discussion around mass versus count nouns and the role of classifiers is brought up and newly evaluated on the basis of the new referential distinctions.


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