Adliger Stand und militärischer Rang. Konflikt- muster hochadliger Offiziere in der brandenburgisch- preußischen Armee (1713–1786)

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-288
Author(s):  
Carmen Winkel

Abstract During the 18th century, the officers of the European standing armies were usually of noble origin. The requirements the army had towards the officers conflicted with their own self understanding. It was requirement of them to leave their »lone soldier « attitude behind and subordinate into a hierarchically system. The officer corps of the early modern times were dominated by nobles and the aforementioned conflicts had an impact of different intensity on the relation between the point d’honneur and the requirements of the military service. As for the Prussian example, it was assumed that this conflict between noble origin and military rank was less virulent than in the French army. Reason for that believe was mainly that the majority of the Prussian officers originated from the gentry. It was also assumed that the monarch was able to impose a better discipline among his officers. One group of officers, members of the high nobility, has been completely ignored so far. That comes as a surprise given the fact that they accounted for 10 percent of all generals. Those princes had a protestantic background, served in the army for several reasons and were preferentially promoted. Their service in the army did not come without potential conflicts which required the monarch to compromise and using different strategies to solve them.

Author(s):  
Edmund Burke

This essay examines several world historical events from an unfamiliar perspective, that of sixteenth-century Morocco. It seeks to provide a new way of conceptualizing empires, one that builds upon recent work, while imagining them differently. As a key player in the struggle over the western Mediterranean, Morocco’s neglected history has much to tell us about both the power and the limits of the military revolution of early modern times. Moreover, Morocco’s success in withstanding Iberian efforts to extend the reconquista to Northwest Africa served to deflect the expansionary energies across the Atlantic and around Africa. More generally, Morocco provides a useful vantage point for thinking about the emergence of the international structures of power that define the early modern world.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Taras Kobishchanov

The evolution of the identification of imaginary communities, including through group oppositions ‘Friend-Foe’, is one of the least studied phenomena of the historical process. The Muslim-Christian look at each other across the Mediterranean provides an extensive field of research in this regard. In recent decades the scientists prefer to talk about the Mediterranean World as a single space that not only divides but connects the Arab-Muslim and Eastern- and Western-European civilizations. This point of view stands up to the still popular binary oppositions as “East vs. West” or “Christian world vs. Muslim world”. The simplicity of such approach considering the humanity to be divided to culturally incompatible and religiously hostile civilizations is proved in particular by numerous connections between the inhabitants of Europe and the Middle East at the early Modern times. Russia has entered into the close cooperation with the Arab world in the 16th — 18th centuries: first through pilgrim-ages and inter-Orthodox contacts, and in the Catherine epoch by organizing the military invasion of the region. The presented article is about how different groups of Arabs, — Muslims and Christians, people of religion and secular rulers, — were perceiving Europe in general and Russia in particular at the early Modern times.


Author(s):  
Elia Nathan Bravo

The purpose of this paper is two-fold. On the one hand, it offers a general analysis of stigmas (a person has one when, in virtue of its belonging to a certain group, such as that of women, homosexuals, etc., he or she is subjugated or persecuted). On the other hand, I argue that stigmas are “invented”. More precisely, I claim that they are not descriptive of real inequalities. Rather, they are socially created, or invented in a lax sense, in so far as the real differences to which they refer are socially valued or construed as negative, and used to justify social inequalities (that is, the placing of a person in the lower positions within an economic, cultural, etc., hierarchy), or persecutions. Finally, I argue that in some cases, such as that of the witch persecution of the early modern times, we find the extreme situation in which a stigma was invented in the strict sense of the word, that is, it does not have any empirical content.


Author(s):  
Brandon Shaw

Romeo’s well-known excuse that he cannot dance because he has soles of lead is demonstrative of the autonomous volitional quality Shakespeare ascribes to body parts, his utilization of humoral somatic psychology, and the horizontally divided body according to early modern dance practice and theory. This chapter considers the autonomy of and disagreement between the body parts and the unruliness of the humors within Shakespeare’s dramas, particularly Romeo and Juliet. An understanding of the body as a house of conflicting parts can be applied to the feet of the dancing body in early modern times, as is evinced not only by literary texts, but dance manuals as well. The visuality dominating the dance floor provided opportunity for social advancement as well as ridicule, as contemporary sources document. Dance practice is compared with early modern swordplay in their shared approaches to the training and social significance of bodily proportion and rhythm.


1977 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Earl J. Hamilton

Wars in early modern times, although frequent, generated little price inflation because of their limited demands on real resources. The invention of paper currency and the resort to deficit financing to pay for wars changed that situation. In recent centuries wars have been the principal causes of inflation, although since World War II programs of social welfare unmatched by offsetting taxation have also fueled inflationary flames.


The history of war is also a history of its justification. The contributions to this book argue that the justification of war rarely happens as empty propaganda. While it is directed at mobilizing support and reducing resistance, it is not purely instrumental. Rather, the justification of force is part of an incessant struggle over what is to count as justifiable behaviour in a given historical constellation of power, interests, and norms. This way, the justification of specific wars interacts with international order as a normative frame of reference for dealing with conflict. The justification of war shapes this order and is being shaped by it. As the justification of specific wars entails a critique of war in general, the use of force in international relations has always been accompanied by political and scholarly discourses on its appropriateness. In much of the pertinent literature the dominating focus is on theoretical or conceptual debates as a mirror of how international normative orders evolve. In contrast, the focus of the present volume is on theory and political practice as sources for the re- and de-construction of the way in which the justification of war and international order interact. The book offers a unique collection of papers exploring the continuities and changes in war discourses as they respond to and shape normative orders from early modern times to the present. It comprises contributions from International Law, History and International Relations and from Western and non-Western perspectives.


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