Catullus 6.17

Philologus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 164 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-307
Author(s):  
Tristan Power
Keyword(s):  

AbstractThis article defends Baehrens’ reading cenam for caelum at Catullus 6.17 as more sensible than scholars have thought, based on allusions to Meleager, AP 5.175. It then proposes a new emendation to the line that is suggested by this Greek source.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-313
Author(s):  
Izabela Winiarska-Górska

The paper discusses the strategy of translation of Marcin Czechowic’s New Testament translation (1577). The authoress applies the theoretical categories of so called global translation strategy such as scopos, the potential reader, religious attitude as Czechowic’s New Testament was devoted to the unitarian communities. It was arranged as a multifunctional book for religious formation which contained institutionalized transmission of God’s Word. Denominational assumptions are manifested in the selection of translation strategy, style, and method of organizing the text in the book. Both the choice of the specific method of translation and the linguistic form of translations such as Iōannēs Baptistēs – Jan Ponurzyciel were marked by denominational optics of interpretation. The development of humanism broadened the general cognitive horizon. Czechowic’s translation was based on humanistic Greek editions of the time. It is not without reason that we find translators’ assurances as to the method of translation on title pages and in introductions, which were expressed by the concept of “diligence” (Lat. diligentia, Pol. pilność), as well as assurances with regard to the translator’s relationship with the source text – faithfulness to the Greek and Hebrew (veritas graeca, hebraica), or following of an “approved” text (Lat. textus probatus, Old Pol. doświadszony) or “contribution” by confronting different records. Marcin Czechowic, like most Protestant translators, declared faithfulness to the Greek source, however his translation of the Holy Scripture ware also in line with the postulate of veritas confessionis, which was interpreted in various ways depending on doctrinal foundations.


Author(s):  
Maria Novak

The paper focuses on the composition, lexical, and grammatical features of a Nativity sermon in the 13 th century Old Russian Tolstovskiy Sbornik (National Library of Russia, F.p.I.39). The author considers its Byzantine sources, principles of editorial work, and the differences from original rhetorical structures. Attributed to John Chrysostom, the sermon turns out to be a complicated compilation from various early Byzantine sermons. The compilation is based both on rearranging fragments of the same source and on combining excerpts from different sermons in a small context. Such transformations indicate the lack of cohesion in sermon texts, due to their independence from the causation and time factor. Non-attributed parts of the Old Russian text may be original since they demonstrate a certain similarity with Kirill Turovskiy orations in the same anthology. The lexical level of the sermon contains non-standard solutions that reinterpret the Greek source text, which may indicate either the missionary nature of the translation or a tendency to the poetic decoration. In some cases, the semantic mismatch of lexical units within Greek-Slavonic correlations is due to errors. At the grammatical level, there are also grammatical inconsistencies of Slavonic and Greek units; they affect the categories of time, number, gender, as well as parts-of-speech status.


1960 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-120
Author(s):  
Chauncey E. Finch
Keyword(s):  

1995 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-246
Author(s):  
Geoffrey S. Koby

After Martin Luther first translated and published the New Testament in 1522, he immediately began the work of revision—work that would last through his lifetime and beyond. Working with a group of biblical scholars, he made thousands of changes to the text, continuing until his death in 1546. Although some critics have seen Luther's earlier language as vulgar and coarse—particularly in the Gospels— and have suggested that he refined his language over time, others suggest that a more differentiated view is necessary. This article examines the lexical differences in the Gospel of Matthew between the Septembertestament of 1522 and the last Bible published during Luther's lifetime, in 1545. Major lexical changes are compared with the Greek source text, and assigned to three major classes: (I) changes that bring the translation closer to the original Greek meaning; (II) changes that diverge from a close rendering of the source text, for comprehension or esthetic reasons; and (III) changes that are neutral with regard to the source, originating from target language (German) considerations. Most major changes arise from either the source text or understandability considerations. The original lexical choices in the 1522 version are not as coarse or extreme as some have suggested.


Slovene ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-217
Author(s):  
Margarita I. Chernysheva ◽  
Roman N. Krivko

One of the most crucial problems in the historical lexicography of the Russian language is that lexicographers are regularly faced with texts and sources which often have neither been properly published, if at all, nor properly commented on from linguistic, philological, and historical points of view. The first part of these research notes shows that a Greek source of one of the liturgical chants dedicated to SS. Constantine and Helene has been erroneously identified in the Index of the Incipita of Old East Slavonic liturgical chants; this made it possible to assume textual corruption in the Slavonic translation and prevented scholars from establishing a correct understanding of the hapax legomenon tresadovnyj, which actually means ‘made of three species of wood’ (about the Holy Cross made of the fir tree, the pine tree, and the box, according to Christian exegesis of Is 60:13). In the second part of these research notes, the edition and lexicographic interpretation of one passage from the Church Slavonic translation of the Homilies by Gregory the Dialogist have been critically reconsidered. Editorial mistakes and a lack of commentary has made it impossible to understand and to explain adequately the phrase krotostʹ na tjažestʹ obratiti lit. ‘to transmute modesty into gravity.’ This phrase is important to exemplify the rare meaning of the Church Slavonic word tjažestʹ (lit. heaviness, gravity) ‘dignity,’ which is lexicographically recorded in this meaning only in a few translated texts, and attests a semantic calque. While the Slavonic translation of this passage is erroneous, its edition and lexicographic interpretation are corrupted and inadequate, so that on the basis of the edition and of the available dictionaries one could not understand that the phrase krotostʹ na tjažestʹ obratiti (‘to transmute modesty into gravity’) actually means ‘to renounce light-mindedness and to return to (proper) dignity.’ In the third part of the article, the lexical meaning of the words tščetina, tščetinnyj is analyzed. The final part is dedicated to the critical analysis of some erroneous editorial decisions made by scholars, who ignored the Greek origin of translated texts.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 113-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgi Minczew ◽  
Marek Majer

The Letter of patriarch Theophylact to tsar Peter is the oldest, but seemingly not the most informative Greek source for the history of Bogomilism. It is in essence a standard document, a typical product of the patriarch’s chancery; it is not conceived as an in-depth investigation into the theological minutiae pertaining to the cosmogony, dogmas and social doctrines of the heretics and the orthodox Church, but rather as a practical tutorial on how to thwart any given neo-Manichaean dualist heresy. It brings to light the fact that Bogomilism, the ‘new’ heresy was treated as an ‘old’ one – as a ‘reactivation’ of earlier gnostic-dualist and neo-Manichaean movements. The letter also features a peculiar innovative feature, though not one directly related to the Bogomil heresy itself: the degree of commitment to preaching the dogmas of the heresy is used for differentiating the situation of the followers. The analysis of the Letter of patriarch Theophylact to tsar Peter raises the more general issue concerning the detailed study of Byzantine and Slavic liturgical texts as a source of information on neo-Manichaean doctrines.


2021 ◽  
pp. 237-258
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hagedorn

ZusammenfassungThis paper takes a critical look at how the first German translation of Homer – Simon Schaidenreisser’s Odyssea from the sixteenth century – deals with the identity-forming categories of gender and divinity. The shifts in power structures within these categories, which occur in the transcultural target language-oriented translation, are examined in an intersectional analysis. For this purpose, the translation is contrasted with the Latin translation of the Odyssey by Raphael Volaterranus (1534), Schaidenreisser’s direct source, as well as with Homer’s Greek source text. The subjects of this analysis are the two powerful, antagonistic, female divinities of the Odyssey: Circe and Calypso. The paper illustrates how the depiction of the goddesses is reshaped in the Early Modern cultural context of the translation and how power structures shift within the narrative, resulting in a loss of power and intersectional complexity for the goddesses and a re-evaluation of the narrative’s hero, Ulysses.


1934 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. E. Perry
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Paul Cartledge

One of the major current scholarly debates surrounding ancient Sparta concerns its status as a unicum—or not: how was Sparta ‘different', if indeed it was, from all or most other Greek poleis? One of those possible ways concerns its politeia, that is both its ‘constitution’ and—the original sense of the word—its mode of citizenship. In this chapter it is argued that Sparta may have made a pioneering contribution to Greek citizenship theory. If the so-called ‘Great Rhetra’ is a genuine seventh-century BC document, if Tyrtaeus is the first extant ancient Greek source to use a form of ‘politai’ (polis-persons, citizens) in his verses, if…As with most aspects of early Spartan history, alas, the sources are inadequate, and the ‘mirage’ gets in the way. But there are glimpses of an unexpectedly (given the mirage) progressive Sparta that contradict its later image of fossilized conservatism.


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