scholarly journals EU Initiatives for Democratisation in Eastern Europe

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Renata Kunert-Milcarz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Important Player ◽  
Former Ussr ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Support for democratisation and democracy has become one of the leading topics in a wide-ranging debate over the state of democracy in the contemporary world. The European Union became an important player in global politics, one with an ambitious programme for the spreading and supporting of democracy and the process of democratisation in Eastern Europe. Hence the author’s attempt at addressing the following question: what actions and strategies have and are being undertaken by the EU to facilitate the above-mentioned processes? The aim of the paper is to describe and assess the strategies and actions of the European Union in the field of supporting democratisation and democracy in selected countries of the former USSR (e.g. Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), additionally well-fitting to the concept of Eastern Partnership, in the last decade of XX and the first decade of XXI Century. The paper also aims to present which procedures and standards (that are supposed to guarantee their usefulness and effectiveness) are being used by the EU. The emphasis has been placed primarily on the processes of democratisation, their mileage, specificity and possible strategies for supporting democratic development, as well as its potential for consolidation, in the countries of the former Soviet Union. In order to conduct the research it is necessary to assess the political, social and economic conditions in the researched countries. It is to be stressed that one should be aware of the complexity and dynamics of the described processes whilst evaluating the EU’s initiatives. The papers topic was chosen due to the importance and currentness of the researched EU actions and their results.

Russian and Eastern European LGBT Movements and Interest Groups

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Lgbt Activism ◽  
The Eu

The development of LGBT movements and interest groups in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union reflects the region’s unique political development with respect to the experience of communism, the transition to democracy in the 1990s, the expanding influence of international institutions like the European Union (EU), and, most recently, trends of democratic backsliding and even reversion to outright authoritarian rule in some countries. Each of these aspects of the region’s political development has engendered debate among scholars and activists. There is consensus that the experience of communism strongly circumscribed not only the possibilities for activism but also, in some instances, even the possibilities for articulating LGBT identities. Nevertheless, a survey of the scholarship on postcommunist LGBT politics indicates divergent trajectories between countries of the former Soviet Union, where LGBT identities are less established and activism is less organized, and the former satellite states of Eastern Europe, whose experience under communism was shorter and, arguably, less intense. Without ignoring the evident deficits of Eastern Europe’s LGBT activism in the 1990s, its LGBT people benefited relative to counterparts in the former Soviet Union from a generally more successful transition to democracy and a greater degree of exposure to West European institutions, in particular the EU. The process of applying for EU membership, many scholars argue, advantaged these countries’ LGBT movements vis-à-vis their counterparts in the former Soviet Union by pressuring national governments to be more accommodating and by socializing elites and publics to Western Europe’s comparatively tolerant values and LGBT rights norms. Adjusting to these norms was sometimes contentious, but several scholars argue that, where conservative backlash against LGBT rights occurred during the EU’s first round of expansion in 2004 to 2007, it generally helped domestic activism by increasing its visibility and level of organization. Not all are so optimistic about the EU’s impact on LGBT activism, however, particularly those studying Yugoslavia’s successor states, for whom the EU accession process occurred later or is still ongoing. These scholars emphasize the difficulties of squaring EU norms about LGBT rights with national identity, particularly given the EU’s sometimes colonial-like relations with postcommunist societies. Others note that transnational rights advocacy supported by the EU has been matched by the rise of transnational antigay activism, and that the clash of transnational activism stalemates domestic progress on LGBT-friendly policies. Such critiques appear increasingly relevant as trends of democratic backsliding have emerged since the 2010 world financial crisis in former “success cases” of postcommunist transition and EU integration, notably Hungary and Poland. The latter’s democratic backsliding occurs within the larger context of Russia’s reversion to authoritarianism after the brief political opening of the 1990s. Across these three countries, governing elites have shown a readiness to make use of LGBT issues to define their illiberal ideologies and to mobilize voters. Whether these developments portend a narrowing of differences among LGBT movements in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is a key question for future scholars.

Trade Policies of the Former Centrally Planned Economies

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 1850046 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Toole ◽  
James Lutz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Trade Policies ◽  
Regression Equations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Geographic Proximity ◽  
World Markets ◽  
Openness To Trade

Since the end of Communist rule, the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have been forced to restructure their formerly centrally planned economies. Among the dilemmas they have faced is how open they should be to international trade. Using multiple regression, the openness of these economies to trade is empirically determined while controlling for the effects of both population and wealth. Residuals from the regression equations are then examined in order to identify how much more or less open to trade each country has been. Analysis of the residuals for six distinct regions of the former Communist world presents no definitive answers but does suggest some preliminary conclusions. A country’s degree of political openness is found to be most important in determining relative openness to trade; close behind that are its geographic proximity to important world markets and its prospects for future accession to the European Union.

scholarly journals El rol de Europa del Este en el principio de cohesión de la Unión Europea. Hacia una incompleta integración

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Borja Villalgordo Pujalte ◽  
Manuel Hernández Pedreño
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Rates Of Convergence ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Institutional Response ◽  
Europe 2020

La Unión Europea viene promoviendo la consecución de la cohesión social y económica desde sus Tratados Constitutivos. El alcance de este objetivo se ha visto ralentizado por varios motivos, como la entrada de los países de Europa del Este que ha supuesto un aumento de la heterogeneidad en la Unión; o por el diferente impacto de la reciente crisis económica en los distintos países. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de convergencia/divergencia de los países de Europa del Este en los parámetros socioeconómicos de la Unión Europea que fomentan la cohesión social y económica. La hipótesis de partida es que estos países han mantenido diferentes ritmos de convergencia con la Unión Europea por conformar un bloque heterogéneo, explicado por varios factores: el tiempo de permanencia en la Unión, la influencia de la Unión Soviética, el impacto de la Estrategia Europa 2020 o la situación de la que partían antes de entrar en la Unión. La metodología empleada es mixta, combinando la entrevista a profesionales con el análisis estadístico de los diferentes comportamientos sociales, económicos y políticos en los países de Europa del Este desde el estallido de la crisis hasta ahora. En la comparativa se consideran tres ámbitos de actuación, correspondientes a las principales áreas que conforman la política social y que se integran como objetivos dentro de la Estrategia Europa 2020 (ingresos, trabajo y educación), al tiempo que se incluye la respuesta institucional ofrecida por los diferentes países. European Union has been promoting the achievement of social and economic cohesion since the Treaty Establishing the European Community. A true embodiment of this goal has been slowed down by several reasons, such as the attachment of Eastern Europe countries that increased the heterogeneity in the European Union; or how European countries dealt with the latest economic recession that took place in 2008. The aim of this paper is to analyse the process of convergence/divergence among Eastern Europe countries and European Union based in a few parameters that foster the economic and social cohesion. The hypothesis is that countries from East of Europe have kept different rates of convergence with the European Union because they shape a heterogeneous group of countries due to several factors: accession year of each country to the European Union, influence of the former Soviet Union, Europe 2020 Strategy’s repercussion or the previous situation where these countries come from before being full members of the European Union. In this paper, a mixed methodology was applied, combining interviews with professionals in different fields of knowledge with the statistical analysis of social, economic and political behaviours in the Eastern European Union countries since the outbreak of the crisis until now. In this comparative, three fields of action have been considered as the main areas that compose social policy and are also integrated in the European 2020 Strategy (incomes, work and education), combined with the institutional response offered by these countries.

scholarly journals Will Central and Eastern European Countries Dismantle the European Union?—Contrasting European Developments to Current Trends in the US

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. p234
Author(s):  
Iván Major
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The European Union ◽  
East European ◽  
Eastern European Countries

This paper analyzes the historical background of the current developments in Central Eastern Europe, in other parts of Eastern Europe and in previously member countries of the former Soviet Union. The author concludes that the political and economic transformation of these countries to a solid democracy and well-functioning market economy have not been successful for most of them yet, and this may have serious consequences on the European Union, too.The paper contrasts these trends with what we can observe in the United States now. The author turns to the “hard facts” next, when he discusses the different factors of human and economic development and the issue of migration in the Central and East European post-socialist countries and in a selected group of advanced countries.

Russia-NATO Strategic Rivalry and Influence Struggle in Eastern Europe in Security and Economy

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
Syaiful Rohman ◽  
Marthen Napang ◽  
Siti Nurhasanah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
Political Security

Global powers such as NATO, European Union, China and Russia have different characteristics and interests in world politics. Russia after Soviet Union tends to be in a relatively weak position in terms of influence, security and economy. Today Russia's relations with the European Union and the United States have improved after the Cold War. In recent years, Russia and NATO have not only strengthened the economy and security related to the military, but have gone so far as to strengthen the influence of its main State in Eastern Europe. This study will analyze Russia's political policies towards NATO and Eastern Europe from the perspective of security and economic interests. The method used is qualitative by conducting an in-depth study of the data obtained from the results of previous research. The results of this study indicate that Russia and NATO are involved in competing for strategic influence in Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine and the former Soviet Union. Russia and NATO, which is sponsored by the United States, are trying to achieve their respective interests by making efforts to increase strength which includes political, security and economic.

Camille C. O'Reilly (ed.), Language, ethnicity and the state. Vol. 1, Minority languages in the European Union. Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. v–x, 183; and Camille C. O'Reilly (ed.), Language, ethnicity and the state. Vol. 2, Minority languages in Eastern Europe post-1989. Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. v–xii, 228.

2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-118
Author(s):  
Lukas D. Tsitsipis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Positive Element ◽  
The State ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Collective Work

This is an exceptionally interesting collective work put together by Camille C. O'Reilly in two volumes, the first focusing on minority languages and problems of nation and ethnicity in western Europe, and particularly in the European Union (EU), and the second taking as its main focus languages and nationalizing discourses in eastern Europe. A large part of the discussion in vol. 2 concentrates on issues related to the fate and ongoing processes of nation formation, citizenship, linguistic ideologies, and minority languages in the successor states of the former Soviet Union. In both volumes, some chapters focus more narrowly on language, whereas others give emphasis to macro processes of a political nature. And, of course, no article in the collection is indifferent to the politics of minoritization, ethnic-national boundaries, and the restructuring of the European national map as a whole. Thus, variation in theme and method of analysis should be considered as a positive element of this endeavor, even though the overall treatment is neither exhaustive nor radically critical, as I will argue below.

European Neighbourhood Policy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilaria Vianello
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
European Neighbourhood Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Mediterranean Countries ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Newly Independent States ◽  
The Eu

The European Union officially launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2003, even if its roots can be traced back to 1997 when the central eastern European enlargement began to gather momentum. Arguably, the policy goes back even further to the EU’s response to the break-up of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s. At that time, the EU started negotiating the partnership and cooperation agreements with the newly independent states and launched the Barcelona Process with Mediterranean countries in 1995. The Commission dealt separately with the different groups of neighbours (the Eastern and the Southern) until 2002 when, in a strategy paper, it specifically identified the need to establish a new, more coherent approach for all countries concerned. A Commission communication on the new ‘Wider Europe’ policy was published in 2003 and was endorsed by the Council in Thessaloniki in the same year.

European Union’s contribution to civilian security sector reform in Ukraine after 2014

2019 ◽  
Vol 25242644 ◽  
pp. 8-18
Author(s):  
Žaneta Ozoliņa ◽  
Iveta Reinholde
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Eu

The article looks at ways on how Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union are contributing to peace and stability in Ukraine. Since 2014, after the Euromaidan and its demands for Europeanization of the country, the EU and other international donors are assisting Ukraine in its modernization efforts. The spread of violent military conflict in Eastern Ukraine required multilateral engagement of strategic partners in transformation of security and defence sectors, as well as active participation in conflict management in the Eastern part of the country. EU was taking part in various initiatives offered by member states, the Community itself, and Ukraine. The article questions whether those instruments, which constitute the essence of CSDP, have been utilized, and how beneficial those efforts were for Ukraine. The article also explores what improvements in the implementation of CSDP could enhance transformation of security sector in Ukraine and what are the main communication channels used to explain the reforms. Cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union was considered in a historical aspect. The authors emphasize that the first mechanisms for cooperation with the former Soviet Union republics were proposed by the European Union in 1994. These are the TACIS (Technical Assistance to the Commonwealth of Independent States) and the TEMPUS (Trans-European Mobility Programme for University Studies) programmes that Ukraine has used in part. Ukraine’s cooperation with the EU within the framework of the European Union Advisory Mission (EUAM) in Ukraine, the aim of which was facilitating the transformation of the civil security sector, was also considered. The article gives an overview of the tools that the European Union has at its disposal to work with other countries in the civil security sector. The results of the work of the EU in Ukraine after 2014, when the European Union Advisory Mission (EUAM) in Ukraine was launched, are analyzed. A list of issues to consider in the future is given.

The Southern Gas Corridor infrastructure project – implications for the energy security of the European Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Justyna Misiągiewicz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Energy System ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Energy Field ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Infrastructure Project ◽  
The Eu

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in state foreignpolicy. Interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimensionof contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations.Energy security is becoming a key issue for the European Union (EU). TheUnion is one of the world’s fastest-growing energy markets and the biggestimporter of energy resources. For the foreseeable future, Europe’s energydependence will probably increase. Facing a shortage of energy, Europe isdependent on imports and the EU member states need to diversify their energysupplies. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undevelopedoil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, thenewly independent Caspian states became open to foreign investment. Thegrowing energy needs have given the EU a strong interest in developing tieswith energy-producing states in the Caspian region to build the necessarypipeline infrastructure. In this analysis, the pipeline infrastructure that exists orwill be built in the near future will be presented. The analysis will concentrateon routes transporting gas from the Caspian region and the most importantproblems and solutions in designing the midstream energy system in the region.The key aim of the article is to analyse the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC)infrastructure project, which will inevitably contribute to the EU’s energy securityinterest.

scholarly journals Systematization of private international law in Ukraine and foreign countries: present state and tendencies

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 122-128
Author(s):  
Mykola Lazarenko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Present State ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Private International Law ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Foreign Countries

Systematization of private international law in Ukraine and foreign countries: present state and tendencies.The article deals with the comparative legal analysis of the systematization of the statutory provisions of private international law in the countries of the European Union and some countries of the former Soviet Union. The main arguments regarding different approaches to the systematization of private international law in Ukraine are outlined, as well as the main directions and tendencies of the codification processes of legislation in this area.

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