scholarly journals Doing Science in Futureless Times. War, Political Engagement, and National Mission in Croatian Ethnology during the 1990s

Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-49
Author(s):  
Agustín Cosovschi

Abstract From a perspective rooted in intellectual and cultural history, the author accounts for the profound disciplinary transformations undergone by ethnology as practised at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research (IEF) in Zagreb, Croatia, during the early 1990s. In a context shaped by the Yugoslav breakup and the outbreak of war, and also as a result of theoretical transformations that had taken place in Croatian ethnology during the previous decade, many researchers at this institute undertook a new ethnological practice that involved among other things the questioning of the notion of objectivity and the redefinition of the political role of the ethnologist. The author analyses these changes in terms of converging factors, namely the theoretical influences coming from American, French, and German scholarship, the disciplinary crisis caused by a self-perception of social marginality, and the radical and violent sociopolitical transformations of the early 1990s.

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-341
Author(s):  
Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira ◽  
Gary Rainer Chumacero Vanderlei ◽  
Gisele Bellinati

Ao longo do tempo a comunidade internacional tem presenciado o surgimento de grupos religiosos capazes de ultrapassar as fronteiras nacionais. Estes fenômenos são observados atualmente em casos como os de Egito e Síria, nas quais suas agitações políticas têm sido comumente interpretadas como vinculadas às práticas de grupos religiosos. Dentre estes grupos, a Irmandade Muçulmana (IM) tem sido um dos principais atores no Oriente Médio. O presente artigo busca compreender as peculiaridades da formação política da IM Síria nas duas primeiras décadas de sua formação (1947-1963) através da aplicação do conceito de teologia pública. Ao olhar em perspectiva comparada a IM egípcia com a síria, a pesquisa mostra que as percepções destes grupos não são uniformes, de maneira que o grupo sírio tem mostrado em sua história um comportamento político singular em comparação com sua matriz egípcia. Tal diferenciação auxilia na compreensão do papel político de ambos os grupos para futuras análises.Palavras-chave: Teologia Pública; Irmandade Muçulmana; Religião; Síria; Egito.  Abstract: Over time the international community has witnessed the emergence of religious groups able to transcend national borders. These phenomena are observed currently in cases like those of Egypt and Syria, in which his political agitations have been commonly interpreted as linked to the practices of religious groups. Within these groups, the Muslim Brotherhood has been a key player in the Middle East. This article seeks to understand the peculiarities of the political formation of Syrian Muslim Brotherhood in the first two decades of its formation (1947-1963) according the concept of public theology. It is applied for this analysis the concept of public theology. When looking from a comparative perspective the Egyptian and Syrian Muslim Brotherhoods, this research shows that perceptions of these groups are not uniform, in which the Syrian branch has shown in its history a singular political behavior compared to Egyptian branch. This distinction helps to comprehend the political role of both groups for further analysis.Keywords: Public Theology; Muslim Brotherhood; Religion; Syria; Egypt.


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-384
Author(s):  
Lode Van Outrive

We set out by tracking the political vicissitudes of the administration of justice and their connections with a range of phenomena: the neglect by politicians; a series of events and scandals and the very curious reactions of the judicial apparatus; several parliamentary investigation commissions without much effect. Then we take a critical look at partisan politicisation of the magistrature: negative evalution of their output thrives to it; but there are also partisan appointments and promotions, even absence and refusal of training. Many contextual factors hinder a normal, acceptable process of politicisation: over- and underregulation, bad legislation, misconception on contra! over the administration of justice and over judges, non-democratic decisionmaking within the organisation of the magistrature, the development of wrong relationship inside the trias politica; but also other more external conditions were not met neither.  We wind up with an examination of the assesment of recent governmental proposals: an improvement of criminal and judicial inquiries; foundation of a national advisory body for the magistrature; simplification of the legislation; modernisation of the courts activities; a more objective recruitment and selection system; more easy access to justice etc. The question raises as to wether it suffices to tinker with the sy stem of the administration of justice alone ... Between the Belgian and the Italian situations are similarities and relevant differences. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

AbstractWe argue that the political effects of negativity bias are narrower than Hibbing et al. suggest. Negativity bias reliably predicts social, but not economic, conservatism, and its political effects often vary across levels of political engagement. Thus the role of negativity bias in broad ideological conflict depends on the strategic packaging of economic and social attitudes by political elites.


1951 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 703
Author(s):  
Leonard W. Labaree ◽  
Carl Bridenbaugh

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document