scholarly journals A formação histórica e o engajamento político da Irmandade Muçulmana síria sob a perspectiva da Teologia Pública/The historical background and the political engagement of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood from the perspective of Public Theology

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-341
Author(s):  
Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira ◽  
Gary Rainer Chumacero Vanderlei ◽  
Gisele Bellinati

Ao longo do tempo a comunidade internacional tem presenciado o surgimento de grupos religiosos capazes de ultrapassar as fronteiras nacionais. Estes fenômenos são observados atualmente em casos como os de Egito e Síria, nas quais suas agitações políticas têm sido comumente interpretadas como vinculadas às práticas de grupos religiosos. Dentre estes grupos, a Irmandade Muçulmana (IM) tem sido um dos principais atores no Oriente Médio. O presente artigo busca compreender as peculiaridades da formação política da IM Síria nas duas primeiras décadas de sua formação (1947-1963) através da aplicação do conceito de teologia pública. Ao olhar em perspectiva comparada a IM egípcia com a síria, a pesquisa mostra que as percepções destes grupos não são uniformes, de maneira que o grupo sírio tem mostrado em sua história um comportamento político singular em comparação com sua matriz egípcia. Tal diferenciação auxilia na compreensão do papel político de ambos os grupos para futuras análises.Palavras-chave: Teologia Pública; Irmandade Muçulmana; Religião; Síria; Egito.  Abstract: Over time the international community has witnessed the emergence of religious groups able to transcend national borders. These phenomena are observed currently in cases like those of Egypt and Syria, in which his political agitations have been commonly interpreted as linked to the practices of religious groups. Within these groups, the Muslim Brotherhood has been a key player in the Middle East. This article seeks to understand the peculiarities of the political formation of Syrian Muslim Brotherhood in the first two decades of its formation (1947-1963) according the concept of public theology. It is applied for this analysis the concept of public theology. When looking from a comparative perspective the Egyptian and Syrian Muslim Brotherhoods, this research shows that perceptions of these groups are not uniform, in which the Syrian branch has shown in its history a singular political behavior compared to Egyptian branch. This distinction helps to comprehend the political role of both groups for further analysis.Keywords: Public Theology; Muslim Brotherhood; Religion; Syria; Egypt.

Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the extent to which the Free Officers formed a political ethos that inclined them toward intervention in civilian politics during the conspiratorial stage. The Free Officers' movement was the culmination of a dramatic political reorientation among the officer corps between 1936 and 1952. They represented the generation that turned away from the political establishment and rejected the leadership of its elders. The soldier's relationship to his country, to his people, to his commanding officers and king gave the young officers a particular perspective on the decay of the liberal order. This chapter first provides a historical background on the Egyptian military before discussing the organization of the Free Officers, along with its political activism, developing ideology, and ties to the Muslim Brotherhood.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-49
Author(s):  
Agustín Cosovschi

Abstract From a perspective rooted in intellectual and cultural history, the author accounts for the profound disciplinary transformations undergone by ethnology as practised at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research (IEF) in Zagreb, Croatia, during the early 1990s. In a context shaped by the Yugoslav breakup and the outbreak of war, and also as a result of theoretical transformations that had taken place in Croatian ethnology during the previous decade, many researchers at this institute undertook a new ethnological practice that involved among other things the questioning of the notion of objectivity and the redefinition of the political role of the ethnologist. The author analyses these changes in terms of converging factors, namely the theoretical influences coming from American, French, and German scholarship, the disciplinary crisis caused by a self-perception of social marginality, and the radical and violent sociopolitical transformations of the early 1990s.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter explores the evolution and role of Islamist social institutions in Gaza, beginning with the reformist work and philosophy of the Muslim Brotherhood and continuing through the first Intifada and the Oslo period. Emphasis is given to the primary role of the social sector (e.g., the Islamist institutions' contribution to community development, order, stability, and civic engagement); the political role and meaning of Islamist social work; and the impact of institutional work on grassroots development, community cohesion, and civism. There is no doubt that the Muslim Brotherhood has long used social institutions to spread its ideas and increase its influence. The Muslim Brotherhood's success was tied in large part to the fact that, until the first Intifada in 1987, the Brethren largely refrained from violent resistance against the occupation.


Author(s):  
N. Lutsenko

The article examines the origins of political Islam in the Middle East and the terminological aspect of the problem. The stages of the formation of the Egyptian Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood were clarified and its key ideological tenets were established. The political and socio-economic circumstances in which the organization was formed are outlined. Attention is drawn to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the military and economic presence in Egypt of the United Kingdom, which consolidated political Islamic parties. The process of transforming the Muslim Brotherhood from a "group of like-minded people" into a political party is considered. The political and legal ideas of the founder of the organization Hasan al-Banna are covered. which became the main strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood. The situation of the organization in the 30's and 40's was analyzed during the attempt of Nazi Germany to turn the Brothers into their own puppet. The article reveals the role in the organization of its ideologist Said Qutb. His main ideas and views, which formed the basis of the radical Muslim Brotherhood branch, are analyzed. The link between the radicalism of the organization and the ultra-conservative trend of Islam - "Salafism" - was noted. The connection of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Free Officers organization, which came to power in Egypt in 1952, has been disclosed. It was stated that the Brothers supported General Gamal Nasser in the struggle for power, which allowed them to take part in the parliamentary elections. It is stated that the Brothers' criticism of the policies of Gamal Nasser and Anwar Sadat on Israel led to a ban of the organization's activities in Egypt. It has been established that under the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, the "Brothers" tried to enter parliament in other parties. The place and role of the organization during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, which led the Muslim Brotherhood to power, were examined. The main reasons for the failure of the organization are indicated.


1983 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Bonham

Despite increased interest in the political role of the state, attention is currently shifting away from the state's contribution to political development in Wilhelmine Germany. There are, however, a number of unresolved questions concerning the Wilhelmine state bureaucracy's role in German politics that make the abandonment of political analyses of the state premature. Earlier approaches to the Wilhelmine administration have argued that it was either insulated from society or subordinate to dominant social classes. Such monolithic analyses are unable to account for bureaucratic commitments to competing, substantive interests and goals as well as for administrative conflict over such commitments. This problem can be avoided through hypotheses that explain bureaucratic political behavior in terms of class, administrative structure, or ideology. These hypotheses may be of general use for future research on administrative politics in other societies as well as in Wilhelmine Germany.


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S785-S785
Author(s):  
Tze Kiu Wong ◽  
Helene H Fung

Abstract Previous studies usually found that older people are less politically engaged than younger adults, especially when considering political behavior other than voting. The current study extends the Selective Engagement hypothesis (Hess, 2014) to political engagement. 81 younger adults and 79 older adults rated 8 issues on self-relevance and their willingness to engage in political discussion, arguments and collective action on each issue. The predicted moderating effect of self-relevance was not found, but older people indeed are more willing to discuss (B = 0.07, p = 0.027) and argue with others on more self-relevant issues (B = 0.06, p = 0.031). Perceived cost of collective action was found to be a moderator, such that self-relevance was less important than other factors for high-cost actions (B = -0.016, p = 0.013). The current research sheds light on potential ways to increase older adults’ engagement in social issues.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


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